John Harold Plumb, 1911–2001

Author(s):  
David Cannadine

Sir John Plumb was a commanding figure, both within academe and also far beyond. He was as much read in the United States as in the United Kingdom; he was a great enabler, patron, fixer and entrepreneur; he belonged to the smart social set both in Mayfair and Manhattan; a race horse was named after him in England and the stars and the stripes were once flown above the US Capitol in his honour; and he appeared, thinly disguised but inadequately depicted, in the fiction of Angus Wilson, William Cooper and C. P. Snow. Yet one important aspect of Plumb's career has been repeatedly ignored and overlooked: for while his life was an unusually long one, his productive period as a significant historian was surprisingly, almost indecently, brief.

2006 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 243-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Muirhead

Abstract The articulated foreign economic policy of the Conservative government of John Diefenbaker following its election in June 1957 was to redirect trade away from the United States and toward the United Kingdom. This policy reflected Diefenbaker's almost religious attachment to the Commonwealth and to Britain, as well as his abiding suspicion of continentalism. However, from these brave beginnings, Conservative trade policy ended up pretty much where the Liberals had been before their 1957 defeat-increasingly reliant on the US market for Canada's domestic prosperity. This was a result partly of the normal development of trade between the two North American countries, but it also reflected Diefenbaker's growing realisation of the market differences between Canada and the United Kingdom, and the impossibility of enhancing the flow of Canadian exports to Britain.


Significance The aim is to maintain some political distance from the US policy towards Iran. The United Kingdom will be hoping for support from France, Germany and Spain, among others. Impacts European powers will be more inclined to support Hunt’s plans as they avoid direct alignment with the United States. Washington could put pressure on the Europeans to toughen their position on Iran in return for shipping security support. Iran will continue to apply pressure on the international community through additional threatening actions in the Gulf.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136754942093588
Author(s):  
Stephanie Schulte

This comparative transnational history informed by discourse analysis examines the US and UK news coverage of two new ‘federal startups’ created in the early 2010s: The United States Digital Service and Government Digital Service. These agencies were designed to renovate federal infrastructures and institutions by integrating technologies and technologists into the federal government. Early coverage of these agencies in both countries focused on the integration of casual dress norms common in technology industries into federal offices dominated by suits. In the United States, those norms were embraced, often with amusement. But in the United Kingdom, they were met with hostility. This article explains why dress code was a focus in both countries and why it was covered differently in each. Ultimately, this study argues workplace attire is emblematic of the differing ways in which industry and government partnerships function in these countries. Dress code norm differences offer a window into how nationally specific cultural values remained about technology and government in each country. Ultimately, these findings suggest the extent to which values prioritized by technology industries became those prioritized by the US government, and the extent to which the United Kingdom retained separation between those arenas.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M McCourt

Abstract Optimism about China's rise has in recent years given way to deep concern in the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom. Drawing on an original set of interviews with China experts from each country, and an array of primary and secondary sources, I show that shifting framings of China's rise reflect the dynamics of the US, Australian and UK national security fields. The article highlights three features specifically: first, the US field features a belief that China's rise can be arrested or prevented, absent in Australia and the UK. I root this dynamic in the system of professional appointments and the intense US ‘marketplace of ideas’, which gives rise to intense framing contestation and occasional sharp frame change. I then identify the key positions produced by each field, from which key actors have shaped the differing interpretations of China and its meaning. The election of Donald Trump, a strong China-critic, to the US presidency empowered key individuals across government who shifted the predominant framing of China from potential challenger to current threat. The smaller and more centralized fields in Australia and Britain feature fewer and less intense China-sceptical voices; responses have thereby remained largely pragmatic, despite worsening diplomatic relations in each case.


Author(s):  
Devin Cowan ◽  
Kristen M. Zgoba ◽  
Rob T. Guerette ◽  
Jill S. Levenson

Much attention has been paid to the examination of community sentiment regarding convicted sex offenders and the policy that governs these offenders’ behavior. This literature, however, has largely been absent of international comparisons of sex offender community sentiment. The current study seeks to fill this gap by drawing from the results of surveys ( n = 333) conducted in both the United States (US) and the United Kingdom (UK). Results indicate that sex offender policy is generally supported in both the US and the UK. Contrary to our expectations, we found that participants from the UK were less tolerant of sex offenders residing in their neighborhoods than participants from the US. Additionally, there is support for the notion that sex offender policy holds a symbolic value for both study locations. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Fletcher ◽  
Jane Marriott

Two narratives have emerged to describe recent health care reforms in the United States of America (US) and the United Kingdom (UK). One narrative speaks of revolution, that the adoptions of the Affordable Care Act 2010 (ACA) in the US, and the Health and Social Care Act 2012 (HSCA) in the UK, have resulted in fundamental, large-scale philosophical, political and legal change in the jurisdictions’ respective health care systems. The other narrative evokes evolution, identifying each new legislative scheme as a natural development of existing governance structures. Policymakers in both the US and UK face the problem of a health care system which, as traditionally envisaged, cannot offer universal access to health care at a reasonable, or politically acceptable, price


2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-65
Author(s):  
Sam Middlemiss

While numerous articles have now been written on the age regulations 1 they tend to concentrate on the broad detail of the Regulations and their likely impact in the United Kingdom, whereas this article, while also involving analysis of the legal rules, concentrates on one aspect of the Regulations namely, age harassment. It will also involve consideration of the equivalent law in the United States because they have a much more mature set of legal rules dealing with this type of activity. The difficulty of making such a comparison is that the legal rules in the two jurisdictions are very different and the UK version is much more favourable than its US counterpart. Nevertheless, it is this writer’s view that identifying the various problems that have arisen in the US with implementing their age legislation in respect of age harassment over almost forty years 2 will prove instructive and valuable to those persons required to comply with the new law in the UK and offer valuable insight into the legal treatment of this issue.


Significance Trump first snubbed the EU on April 30 with a mere postponement of possible tariffs and then humiliated the E3 (Germany, France and the United Kingdom) on May 8 with his decision to withdraw from the Iranian nuclear deal. This sends a highly symbolic message from the US president to his European allies: buckle or face penalties. Impacts Trump’s decisions reinforce a growing realisation in the EU that he will interpret their search for compromise as weakness. The EU faces a difficult road ahead with multiple pressures increasing, both within and outside the bloc. The growing divide between the EU and the United States will please Russia.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (S1) ◽  
pp. 170-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene M. Grossman ◽  
Petros C. Mavroidis

In 1993, the US Department of Commerce began to levy countervailing duties on imports of certain leaded bars from the United Kingdom. The United States applied tariffs to goods imported from British Steel Engineering Steels, a subsidiary of British Steel plc. Following investigations by the US Department of Commerce and the United States International Trade Commission, the US authorities held that the imposition of duties was both required by Section 701 of the Tariff Act of 1930 (as amended) and not in violation of any of the country’s obligations as a member of the World Trade Organization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (15) ◽  
Author(s):  
Avril Brooks ◽  
Jay Lucidarme ◽  
Helen Campbell ◽  
Laura Campbell ◽  
Helen Fifer ◽  
...  

Since 2015 in the United States (US), the US Neisseria meningitidis urethritis clade (US_NmUC) has caused a large multistate outbreak of urethritis among heterosexual males. Its ‘parent’ strain caused numerous outbreaks of invasive meningococcal disease among men who have sex with men in Europe and North America. We highlight the arrival and dissemination of US_NmUC in the United Kingdom and the emergence of multiple antibiotic resistance. Surveillance systems should be developed that include anogenital meningococci.


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