scholarly journals Paving the road to hell: The Spanish word menas as a case study

Daímon ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bordonaba Plou ◽  
Jos´é Ramón Torices Vidal

Menas es un término que ha ganado notoriedad en la actual escena política española. Aunque el término tenía un uso neutro en su origen, ya que es un acrónimo de “menores extranjeros no acompañados”, recientemente ha evolucionado a un término con claras connotaciones negativas. Este artículo explora qué tipo de término es menasactualmente. Específicamente, examinaremos si menas es un slur o un TESNI, es decir, un término étnico/social neutro usado como insulto. Primero, señalamos las características más definitorias de ambos tipos de términos. Después, por medio de análisis sobre corpus lingüísticos, mostramos que menas exhibe las características más definitorias de los TESNI. Acabamos discutiendo la posible evolución del término, señalando que, aunque el término tiene los rasgos de los TESNI, existen dos posibles escenarios. Por un lado, el término puede conservar sus usos neutros y de este modo seguir siendo un TESNI. Por otro lado, los usos neutros pueden desaparecer y así el término acabar convir-tiéndose en un slur. “Menas” is a term that has attracted a great deal of attention on the political scene in Spain at present. Although the term had a neutral usage originally, being an acronym for unaccompanied foreign minors, it has recently evolved into a term with clear negative connotations. This article explores what kind of term menas is today. Specifically, we will examine whether “menas” is a slur or an ESTI, an ethnic/social term used as an insult. First, we point out the most defining characteristics of both types of terms. Then, using analyses on linguistic corpora, we show that “menas” exhibits the most defining characteristics of TESNI. We end by discussing the possible evolution of the term, pointing out that, although the term presents the features related to ESTIs, there are two possible scenarios. On the one hand, the term may retain its neutral uses and thus remain an ESTI. On the other hand, the neutral uses may disappear, and thus the term may become a slur.

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Mathias G. Parding

Abstract It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
Mateusz Falkowski

The article is devoted to the famous The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude by Étienne de La Boétie. The author considers the theoretical premises underlying the concept of “voluntary servitude”, juxtaposing them with two modern concepts of will developed by Descartes and Pascal. An important feature of La Boétie’s project is the political and therefore intersubjective – as opposed to the individualistic perspective of Descartes and Pascal – starting point. It is therefore situated against the background of, on the one hand, the historical evolution of early modern states (from feudal monarchies, through so-called Renaissance monarchies up to European absolutisms) and, on the other hand – of the political philosophy of Machiavelli and Hobbes.


Author(s):  
Stanisław Musiał ◽  
Gwido Zlatkes

This chapter offers an answer to the previous chapter by Revd Waldemar Chrostowski. The author argues that his text speaks of a different matter than that of Chrostowski's. He, on the one hand, addresses the antisemitic character of one of Henryk Jankowski's public enunciations, and the lack of reaction, or inadequate reaction, to the antisemitism of this enunciation on the part of the episcopate. Chrostowski, on the other hand, discusses the political character of that enunciation of Jankowski's, and the bishops' reaction to this political character. The author limits his remarks about the Revd Chrostowski's article to making four corrections and to expressing his regret about two clearly antisemitic emphases present in Chrostowski's text.


Africa ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 426-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurt Beck

ABSTRACTThis contribution examines the truck stop on the desert track known as the Forty Days Road that connects the Sudanese capital with Darfur and the regions beyond. The truck stop is represented as the main roadside institution to regulate roadside sociality, channel the relationships between travelling and roadside folk, and generally mediate between residents and strangers. On the one hand, it serves as a gateway to small-town Sudan and the hinterland, providing the social infrastructure for the commercial flow of trucks, commodities and passengers as well as for the flow of news and fashions. On the other hand, by catering for the needs of passing truck drivers and other travellers, it operates as a safe haven. It provides shelter in the most comprehensive sense of the word and thus constitutes a protected place for recovering from the pains of travelling. At the same time, however, these roadside practices of brokerage and hospitality also serve the resident society of small-town Sudan as a means to keep the travelling strangers safely apart in a circumscribed domain and, thus, keep the influences from the road in quarantine.


Urban Studies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (10) ◽  
pp. 2031-2046
Author(s):  
Salla Jokela

There have been two types of scholarly discussion on city branding. On the one hand, city branding has been conceptualised as a differentiation strategy of entrepreneurial cities involved in interspatial competition. On the other hand, researchers have recently emphasised the need to pay attention to increasingly pervasive and transformative forms of city branding, including branding as an urban policy and a form of planning. Drawing on a case study carried out in Helsinki, Finland, this article connects these two approaches by analysing Helsinki’s recent city branding endeavour in the context of the qualitative transformation of the entrepreneurial city. The article shows how city branding highlights and constitutes the city as an entrepreneurial platform and enabler bound up by the extended entrepreneurialisation of society.


2020 ◽  
pp. 105268462097206
Author(s):  
Jeff Walls

Schools are expected to be sites of caring, but there is evidence that both students and adults often experience them as uncaring places. One reason is that a sustained and heavy policy emphasis on accountability and demonstrations of effectiveness has placed pressure on educators to perform in certain ways, and to care about things other than caring. This case study explores how leaders and teachers at two schools balance their efforts to care for students, on the one hand, with the performative pressures they feel, on the other hand. Teachers who were able to prioritize a balance of care used collaborative relationships with colleagues to manage the pressure they felt, and took a longer term, more emotionally attuned, and more inquiry-based approach to meeting student needs. Implications for theory and practice are discussed.


1963 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Goncharov

The colonial system is a system of social relations based on the political and economic domination of backward peoples by imperialist powers, in a world divided territorially and economically. The colonial régime is a monopoly exercised by the bourgeoisie of an imperialist country, based on economic and extra-economic pressure in a dependent country. This imperialist monopoly has two basic functions: on the one hand, it exploits the colonies; on the other hand, it maintains and develops the political enslavement necessary for its own existence.


Author(s):  
Ralf Ahrens

AbstractImmediately following World War II, the allied occupational powers started a process of denazifying West German business in more or less the same way as the political and administrative apparatus. Initial approaches to solve the task by a radical purge of highly incriminated company managers soon gave way to more extensive investigations of party members and Nazi sympathizers also on lower ranks. Denazification escalated into bureaucratic mass procedures and finally ended up in various forms of amnesty and pardon in the late 1940s and early 1950s. A key feature in this process was the successively growing participation of German actors like various commissions, chambers of commerce and the companies themselves. On the one hand, comprehensive investigation and punishment under a re-installed rule of law had to rely upon cooperation of German actors and their expertise on the reality of the Nazi past; on the other hand, the integration of business itself into denazification procedures allowed company managers to benefit from informational advantages. Focussing the interaction between denazification authorities and business in the three West German zones of occupation, the article argues that under the general conditions of economic reconstruction and democratization the degeneration from purge to pardon was hardly avoidable, but that nevertheless the effects of temporary punishments should not be underestimated.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 212-219
Author(s):  
Alexandru Trifu

On the one hand, the impulse in the case of these interrelations and the proper functioning of any company producing/providing services is represented by the needs and motivation of the customers, these aspects leading to determining their behavior in the process of their acceptance / rejection of the products/services they are provided. On the other hand, the products or services should be tailored according to the requirements of the customers and consumers and they should consider the satisfaction of a set of desires and needs, including the ones expressed by the Maslow's Pyramid of Needs. In order to highlight these multidimensional double-way interrelations, one surely needs, at the same time, to use the marketing sub-function in a case study in symbiosis with the other functions, sub-functions and highlighting tools of the analyzed firm or company. Any purchasing act follows to simultaneous reach more goals, the consumer having to manage between positive motivations and the negative ones, the last category acting as a break. In the double-way interaction, the redirecting of the negative behaviors, along with the improving the supply characteristics are the appropriate ways of winning. A key role in this action is played by the customer loyalty programs which provide a strengthened interrelation and a win-win type beneficial strategy.


Sincronía ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol XXV (80) ◽  
pp. 160-175
Author(s):  
Celeste Florencia Ramirez ◽  

In the present work, in the light of the reading of the philosopher Santiago Castro-Gómez, we will try to elucidate his theory about the coloniality of power and the way in which such a device codified the bodies according to the discourse of blood cleansing. So, first, we will briefly develop two different types of theories about power: on the one hand, the theory of the coloniality of power, presented by the Peruvian sociologist Aníbal Quijano; on the other hand, the analytics of power, developed by Michel Foucault. Both theories, which seem incommensurable, are put into dialogue by our philosopher. In the second part of our work, we will prepare to present the practices and modus operandi corresponding to the coloniality of power to manifest its uniqueness in comparison to other types of powers. Likewise, we will show how a certain sector of the population, in an attempt to consolidate their family and personal interests, used these practices to limit corporality. Third, and by way of conclusion, we will make a brief sketch about the link between the coloniality of power and the political practices of current Colombia.


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