scholarly journals Bolívar y Chávez. Fundamentos históricos y religiosos del populismo chavista

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-246
Author(s):  
Javier Rodríguez Martínez

Desde hace más de dos décadas, la política venezolana ha estado marcada por la presencia del chavismo como orientación revolucionaria del país. Independientemente de que hoy en día esa política es reconocida como una política fracasada que ha provocado el éxodo de millones de venezolanos, esa política estuvo dirigida en sus primeros a la transformación política, social y económica de la nación en pos del llamado socialismo del siglo XXI. Precisamente es en este primer período en el que nos vamos a concentrar. Si definimos el populismo en sentido estricto como esa forma de política de masas que parte de la idea de la existencia de una voluntad popular y la existencia de un modo carismático de dominación basado en la vinculación directa del líder con las masas, el chavismo fue un fenómeno populista. En el presente artículo muestro, basándome en escritos biográficos, entrevistas y discursos, la adecuación del caso venezolano a la definición propuesta y los fundamentos religiosos e históricos del mismo. For more than two decades, Venezuelan politics has been marked by the presence of Chavismo as the country's revolutionary orientation. Regardless of the fact that nowadays this policy is recognized as a failed policy that has caused the exodus of millions of Venezuelans, this policy was aimed in its first at the political, social and economic transformation of the nation in pursuit of the so-called socialism of the 21st century. It is precisely in this first period that we are going to concentrate. If we define populism in the strict sense as that form of mass politics that starts from the idea of the existence of a popular will and the existence of a charismatic mode of domination based on the direct link between the leader and the masses, Chavismo was a populist phenomenon. In this article I show, based on biographical writings, interviews and speeches, the adequacy of the Venezuelan case to the proposed definition and its religious and historical foundations.


Author(s):  
Irfan Iryadi ◽  
Mursyidin Zakaria ◽  
Effendi Hasan ◽  
Dedy Tabrani ◽  
Fadhil Ilhamsyah

This paper explores about governor election in Aceh period 2012-2017 as a socio-political lesson. At that moment, political trends in Aceh are ongoing mass politics, not politics ideology based on the interests of the people. Mass politics is crewed politics on the basis of pragmatic and opportunist ideology. Intimidation and massive mobilization of the masses accompanied by money politics and imagery are characteristic of mass politics. In mass politics the potential for conflict is also quite high. Not often people who are victims. People admits that gubernatorial election of Aceh in 2012  was won by Zaini Abdullah and Muzakkir Manaf (Zikir) carried out by local political parties, namely the Party Aceh, the legislature is complete and the executive is entirely in the hands of the Party's control Aceh. All his potions and political teachings will be lowered to the service arena for Acehnese people during the 2012-2017 period. But the question then blocks in all of our minds, will the opposition be still dare to survive with the political dialectic recently? Of course we can see this at least in the first six months post the inauguration of Zikir as governor and deputy the governor of Aceh later.



2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Druckman ◽  
Samara Klar ◽  
Yanna Krupnikov ◽  
Matthew Levendusky ◽  
John B. Ryan

Affective polarization is a defining feature of 21st century American politics—partisans harbor considerable dislike and distrust of those from the other party. Does this animus have consequences for citizens’ opinions? Such effects would highlight not only the consequences of polarization, but also shed new light onto how citizens form preferences more generally. Normally, this question is intractable, but the outbreak of the novel coronavirus allows us to answer it. We find that affective polarization powerfully shapes citizens’ attitudes about the pandemic, as well as the actions they have taken in response to it. However, these effects are conditional on the local severity of the outbreak, as the effects decline in areas with high caseloads—threat vitiates partisan reasoning. Our results clarify that closing the divide on important issues requires not just policy discourse but also attempts to reduce inter-partisan hostility.



Author(s):  
Harry Nedelcu

The mid and late 2000s witnessed a proliferation of political parties in European party systems. Marxist, Libertarian, Pirate, and Animal parties, as well as radical-right and populist parties, have become part of an increasingly heterogeneous political spectrum generally dominated by the mainstream centre-left and centre-right. The question this article explores is what led to the surge of these parties during the first decade of the 21st century. While it is tempting to look at structural arguments or the recent late-2000s financial crisis to explain this proliferation, the emergence of these parties predates the debt-crisis and can not be described by structural shifts alone . This paper argues that the proliferation of new radical parties came about not only as a result of changes in the political space, but rather due to the very perceived presence and even strengthening of what Katz and Mair (1995) famously dubbed the "cartelization" of mainstream political parties.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.210



Author(s):  
Hazel Gray

This chapter contrasts the way that the political settlement in both countries shaped the pattern of redistribution, reform, and corruption within public finance and the implications that this had for economic transformation. Differences in the impact of corruption on economic transformation can be explained by the way that their political settlements generated distinct patterns of competition and collaboration between economic and political actors. In Vietnam corrupt activities led to investments that were frequently not productive; however, the greater financial discipline imposed by lower-level organizations led to a higher degree of investment overall in Vietnam that supported a more rapid economic transformation under liberalization than in Tanzania. Individuals or small factional networks within the VCP at the local level were, therefore, probably less able to engage in forms of corruption that simply led to capital flight as happened in Tanzania, where local level organizations were significantly weaker.



2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110238
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska ◽  
Joshua K Dubrow

Whereas social scientists have devised various ways to measure representation gaps between the political elite and the masses across nations and time, few datasets can be used to measure this gap for particular social groups. Minding the gap between what parties social groups vote for and what parties actually attain seats in parliament can reveal the position of social groups in the political power structure. We help to fill this gap with a new publicly available dataset, Party Representation of Social Groups (PaReSoGo), consisting of 25 countries and 150 country-years, and a method for its construction. We used the European Social Survey 2002–2016 and ParlGov data for this time span to create a Dissimilarity Index. To demonstrate the utility and flexibility in the combination of cross-national surveys and administrative data, we chose social groups of gender, age, and education, as well as intersectional groups based on gender and age, and attitudinal groups. We conclude this research note with empirical illustrations of PaReSoGo’s use.



2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.



2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-81
Author(s):  
Mubarra Javed ◽  
Naushaba Haq

This research paper explores the factors behind the political instability and economic inequality in Pakistan, especially during General Zia’s military regime as reflected in Nadeem Aslam’s novel ‘Season of the Rainbirds’ (1993), in the light of the theory of New Historicism. The study highlights that the military intervened in political affairs and imposed martial law in 1977. The parliamentary democratic process in Pakistan did not get stability due to certain factors, such as feudal dynasty, social and economic inequalities, exploitation of masses, and low literacy rate. The feudal elites have always supported the military in this process to seek their vested interests, as their dominance over political affairs has been great. On the other hand, the masses’ dependency on their land for economic survival has worsened the situation. This study is based on a qualitative research approach and has been carried out by doing a textual analysis of the selected excerpts from the novel ‘Season of the Rainbirds’. The findings reveal that the social composition of the feudal class has undermined the institution of democracy and caused political, social, and economic disintegration. It monopolized the institution of politics and made a way for the military to intervene in the political affairs of the country. Without the provision of social and economic justice, democracy cannot get stability in Pakistan.



2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-98
Author(s):  
Mieczysław Szlachta ◽  
Andrzej Ciupiński

The paper presents the scope and scale of transformation of the defense industries of Central Eastern Europe (CEE) countries after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR. The starting point is the role and position of the armaments economy sector (armaments economy environment), embedded in the realities of the centrally planned economy, and its submission to the politics of the USSR. The turn of the centuries was a period of political and economic transformation conducted during the conditions of a deep economic recession. The defense industry was one of the economic sectors most affected by the crisis. The economic and defense policy of CEE countries was aimed at preserving the capabilities of the armaments sector. Restructuring activities initiated and forced by the change of the political and economic environment have already brought noticeable effects, even though the process has not yet been completed. Defense industry enterprises have become entities operating on the same terms and conditions as other companies on the competitive market. The method of comparative analysis and a case study supplemented with elements of descriptive statistics were used to evaluate the course of the processes. The study has been focused on the analysis of the course of the changes and examination of effects of the analyzed phenomena for the economy and defense of the CEE countries, taking into account primarily their scale and scope.



2020 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 309-314
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Solovyov

In the center of the article author’s attention is the book “Twilight of Europe” by G. A. Landau, which is sometimes regarded as direct predecessor of O. Spengler’s works. The article is devoted to G. A. Landau’s views on the nature of political, social, and legal processes in Europe after the First World War. The special attention is paid to the circumstances that Landau believed to be the signs of European civilization ill-being: the collapse of empires, nationalism, and the inclusion of the masses in the political life. Accordingly, the emphasis is placed on Landau’s evaluation of such concepts as “militarism”, “empire”, “nation”, etc.



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