scholarly journals En kritik av det kosmopolitiska förnuftet? Om relevansen av Kants kosmopolitism på 2000-talet

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Rebecka Lettevall
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
New World Order ◽  
A Value ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
Cosmopolitan Education ◽  
The Cold War

Cosmopolitanism is a value-loaded concept that seems to become popular in intervals. The latest cosmopolitan period started after the end of the Cold War and the breakdown of the Soviet Union and concentrated mostly on aspects such as “a new world order”, and often with reference to Kant. It might be questioned if the cosmopolitan period still exists. Here it is suggested that a historical understanding of cosmopolitanism together with experience from later social and political experiences might give a new perspective on the difficulties of creating a better world in a Kantian sense, including cosmopolitan education. Considering its history and taking concern of experience Kant’s cosmopolitanism still is relevant, not least in its broader sense.

scholarly journals REVIEW: New World myths

1994 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-97
Author(s):  
David Robie
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World Economy ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
New World Order ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
News Service ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War

Review of Whose Story? Reporting the Developing World After the Cold War, edited by Jill Spelliscy and Gerald B. Sperling, Calgary, Canada: Detselig Enterprises, 1993. 242 pp. 'I get terribly angry', remarks Daniel Nelson, editor of Gemini News Service, 'when journalists take the phrase, which is completly manufactured, "New World Order"—it's absolutely meaningless. Personally I don't think there is a New World Order. I think we have the same world order, but without the Soviet Union which was never a major part of the world economy. And if you live in Katmandu or Kampala, there is no change.'

Department of Peacekeeping Operations

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herman T. Salton
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Rwandan Genocide ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter reviews the role of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) before and during the Rwandan genocide. After introducing the peculiar context of the early 1990s and the promises of the so-called ‘New World Order’ which followed the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the chapter outlines the role of DPKO during the early reconnaissance mission to Rwanda and reviews several decisions taken by the peacekeeping department. These include the size of the mission and its troop levels, the so-called ‘genocide cable’ sent by Dallaire about forthcoming ethnic massacres, and the mandate and rules of engagement of the Rwandan operation. The chapter also introduces the phenomenon of the ‘anticipatory veto’, or a tendency on the part of Secretariat officials to recommend to the Security Council only what the latter is likely to endorse.

scholarly journals New War Journalism

2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stig A. Nohrstedt
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
New Media ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Al Jazeera ◽  
New Wars ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
War Journalism ◽  
The Cold War

Abstract How has war journalism changed since the end of the Cold War? After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, there was talk of a new world order. The Balkan Wars of the 1990s gave rise to the concept of “new wars”. The 1990-91 Gulf War was the commercial breakthrough for the around-the-clock news channel CNN, and the war in Afghanistan in 2001 for its competitor al-Jazeera. The 2003 Iraq war saw Internet’s great breakthrough in war journalism. A new world order, new wars, and new media – what impact is all this having on war journalism? This article outlines some important trends based on recent media research and discusses the new challenges as well as the consequences they entail for the conditions of war journalism, its professional reflexivity and democratic role.

scholarly journals Cold and World War II: Understanding the Causes, Views and Conceptual Analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 408-414
Author(s):  
Abraham Kuol Nyuon
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
New World Order ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Speed Up ◽  
The Cold War

This article examines the theoretical framework of the cold war as the basis for comprehending the genesis of the Cold War. This author gave emphasizes to events which clearly elaborate the end of the war known as the superpowers struggle from 1945-1991 by focusing on factors which have speed up the collapse of the Cold War resulting into the new World Order. In this paper, the author argued that, the Cold War and World War II are inseparable because conflict among the Allies surfaced at the end of the World War II. This paper set out how World War II shaped the beginning of the Cold War through engaging with the major schools of thoughts that are considered as the cause of Cold War. Therefore, the blame for the escalation of the Cold war should be attributed to both the United States and the Soviet Union as both of them were serving their national interest. Keywords: War, interest, power, ideology, determinants, cessation, orthodox, revisionist, realist, War, destruction, assured, mutually, weapon and competition.

scholarly journals Opening Address

1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-137
Author(s):  
Taha J. Al ‘Alwani
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Opening Address ◽  
Nature Ofthe

The year which has just ended has presented the Muslim world with a majorchallenge: the bipolar world order which provided some kind of balance betweenthe East and the West disintegrated and was replaced by a unipolar one.How will this affect us?The new world order is an order controlled by a single superpowex whichhas its own philosophy, thought, and culture. If we look closely, it seems thatits philosophy stands on a collection of what appears to be mutually opposeddualities which both necessitate the various elements of conflict and make allattempts to end the resulting polarization and conflict futile. But the recentdemise of the opposite pole and the end of the Cold War does not mean thatthe world is about to witness a period of peace, tranquility, and security in theshade of this so-called new world order. hther, the inherently belligerent natureof this entirely Western-controlled civilization precludes such a development,for such an order requires an opponent, either real or imagined. In other words,if one is not readily available it will have to be created, so that the fight canbe carried on elsewhere. While many are now saying that the nature ofthe conflictmay shift from military to economic power, this does not automaticallymean that positive developments will occur or that the world can expect trueand constant security, tranquility, or peace from this civilization.It is thus all the more disconcerting that the Islamic world finds itself ina state of unpreparedness and disarray unprecedented in all of its lox history,and that the collapse of the Soviet Union, the other Western pole, leaves therole of adversary to the Islamic world. All of this suggests that the Islamic world,which is now infirm, divided, and unable to protect its own resources, will befaced with the prospect of becoming a battleground over the course of the nextfew decades.It is therefore essential that Muslim scholars, thinkers, research institutes,universities, and enlightened political elites undertake the responsibility of ensuringthat the Islamic world passes through this coming period of crisis successfully ...

scholarly journals Security System and Peaceful Structure of Northeast Asia After Cold War: Special Reference to Korean Peninsula

1991 ◽  
Vol 6 (0) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Chong-Ki Choi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
New World ◽  
International Politics ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
New World Order ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World

Order is not always the same as justice. But after radical changes of the Soviet Union and east Europe, most analysts and specialists of international politics are trying to predict new world order after Cold War. Of course order gives us concrete situation for making foreign policies and economic cooperation and pursuing them. And order at least frees us from instability of international politics. But order, at the same time, limits each country's right to take alternatives for her interests. At any rate, we need to analyze the international situation and predict new world order after Cold War. What will be the shape of the new world order? Some analyst, such as Prof. Paul Kennedy in the Rise and Fall of Great Powers describe the change in the world as the decline of the superpowers, including both the Soviet Union and the United States. Other specialists such as Prof. Joseph Nye in Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power describes that while the United States will remain the largest state, the world will see a diffusion of power and a growth of multiple inter-dependencies.

scholarly journals World Orders, Old and New

1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-282
Author(s):  
Mohamed Karbal
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
New World Order ◽  
American University ◽  
George Bush ◽  
Noam Chomsky ◽  
The Cold War

The catch phrase "new world order" has shaped the view of the futuredifferently for various groups and people. It has been associated mostlywith former American president George Bush, who witnessed the end ofthe old system with the collapse of the Soviet Union and, with others, realizedthe beginning of a new order. Prior to the end of the cold war, ThirdWorld countries were calling for "new economic and political orders."Speaking before the General Assembly of the United Nations, Fidel Castrocalled for the establishment of a "new world order based on justice, onequity, on peace." And an altogether different new world order has beenanticipated in the near future by such evangelists as Pat Robertson in hisbook The New World Order. Robertson believes the new order will commencewith the rerurn of the Messiah, who will erect a new and just world.However, for prominent scholar Noam Chomsky, the new world orderis merely a continuation of the old one. From the basis of three lecturesdelivered at the American University in Cairo in May 1993, Chomskywrote World Orders, Old and New. The book is divided into three parts.The first part discusses the cold war and how it was used by the superpowersto justify all foreign and domestic political, economic, and militaryactions. “The Cold War provided easy formdas to justify criminal actionsabroad and entrenchment of privileges at home.” Both sides were able toclaim that such atrocities were committed to promote the “national securitywhich was threatened by the other side.” ...

Civil conflicts and the conditions for successful international intervention: a comparative study of Cambodia and El Salvador

1995 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerardo L. Munck ◽  
Chetan Kumar
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
New World Order ◽  
International Intervention ◽  
Civil Conflicts ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Territorial Conflicts ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

As the Cold War has receded, it has left behind a world system characterized by two divergent trends. On the one hand, as the two superpowers have withdrawn their security umbrellas, a host of ethnic and territorial conflicts have sprouted around the globe. On the other hand, as former rival blocs now create alliances, international mechanisms for the peaceful resolution of contentious issues have proliferated. A central concern of our times, then, is whether, and under what circumstances, these new mechanisms will be successful in dealing with the disorderly aspects of the new world ‘order’.

14. US foreign policy in Russia

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Rutland ◽  
Gregory Dubinsky
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Vladimir Putin

This chapter examines U.S. foreign policy in Russia. The end of the Cold War lifted the threat of nuclear annihilation and transformed the international security landscape. The United States interpreted the collapse of the Soviet Union as evidence that it had ‘won’ the Cold War, and that its values and interests would prevail in the future world order. The chapter first provides an overview of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 before discussing U.S.–Russian relations under Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin, respectively. It then turns to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and its enlargement, the Kosovo crisis, and the ‘Great Game’ in Eurasia. It also analyses the rise of Vladimir Putin as president of Russia and the deterioration of U.S.–Russian relations and concludes with an assessment of the cautious partnership between the two countries.

The New World Order and the General Assembly: Bloc Realignment at the UN in the Post-Cold War World

1995 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven K. Holloway ◽  
Rodney Tomlinson
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
New World ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
World Order ◽  
Hierarchical Cluster ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Scaling Analyses ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractThe demise of the Cold War and greater cooperation among the Security Council's permanent members have created a situation frequently characterized as a New World Order at the United Nations. This study examines whether that characterization can also be applied to the politics of the UN General Assembly. Using descriptive analysis of roll-call votes, the authors find that recent sessions, and in particular the 46th session, witnessed the end of a fairly stable decade of voting blocs in the General Assembly. An indicator of vote changing is developed which documents the rapid movement of the former Warsaw Pact members and Baltic states towards more western European positions. Hierarchical cluster and multidimensional scaling analyses are employed to identify the emerging voting alliances. The results suggest that the accommodation has not been as widespread in the General Assembly and that our longstanding conceptualizations of east/west/north/south polarizations are in need of revision.

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