Complaint, reform and conflict: Treatise writing in late Elizabethan Ireland, 1579–1594

Author(s):  
David Heffernan

This chapter proposes a revision of our understanding of political discourse in late Elizabethan Ireland and public policy there more generally. Previously it has largely been contended that officials in Ireland at this time began to believe that the country was beyond ‘reform’ and that a harsh brand of military subjugation would have to be employed to create a tabula rasa on which an English society could be constructed. Converse to this the chapter argues that officials were actually deeply critical of Tudor policy in Ireland itself at this time. Accordingly they argued that what was needed was a more conciliatory approach to the governance of the country and reformation of the gross levels of militarisation and corruption which had become endemic there. These views were clearly laid out in a literature of complaint which emerged in the ‘reform’ treatises being written at this time. The chapter is primarily an exploration of this literature of complaint. It also examines the treatises attendant upon the inception of the Munster Plantation. Finally, it examines attitudes towards the problem posed by Ulster in the 1580s and early 1590s and queries what policies were promoted for the province in the years preceding the outbreak of the Nine Years War in 1594.

1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-98
Author(s):  
J. David Hoeveler

A quarter century and more has passed since the 1970s made its debut. History, always problematic as an objective undertaking, encourages present-mindedness when proximity to events in question governs our perspectives. This article does not pretend to have avoided this pitfall. Today the animus against government dominates political discourse. “Outsiders” who aspire to office boast of that status; “insiders” obscure theirs. All politicians design to show their commonness, their oneness with the people, the beleaguered people, victims of the socially privileged, of haughty bureaucrats, and the sundry occult forces that sustain their misery. Ours, it has been observed, has become a dominantly “populist” culture, its anti-elitism resounding from local Serb Halls in Milwaukee and elsewhere to the very chambers of the Capitol itself.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 587-599
Author(s):  
José Manuel Salum Tomé

This article reports the results that its objective is to analyze the evolution of political discourse in Chile on special educational needs, as well as to analyze the relationship of the discourse with the main public policy initiatives regarding legislation, fiscal budget and direct executive action. It can be seen that it is possible to identify important changes in the use of the main concepts, emphasis and discussions associated with the promotion of inclusive education. In addition, there is growing interest in the issue of diversity, both nationally and internationally, which is expressed in increasingly specific public policy initiatives to promote inclusive education. However, there are still gaps and gaps between political discourse and policy initiatives, as well as between the approach of public policies in Chile and the state of art of the international discussion on the subject.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iuliia Shmalenko ◽  
Natalia Yeftieni ◽  
Inna Semenets-Orlova

2018 ◽  
Vol 215 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-38
Author(s):  
Dr.Ghada Tariq Sabri

     Political discourse is a complex object of studying, "it is the intersection of different fields like: political science, social psychology, linguistics. It has the analysis of form, objectives and content of used in certain (" political ") situations." According to researchers AN Baranov and EG Kazakevich, political discourse forms a "total speeches, acts used in political discussions, as well as rules of public policy expertise." The public purpose of political discourse - to convince recipients with a "political corrects" political evaluations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 144078332110447
Author(s):  
Dominic Peel ◽  
Helen L Berry ◽  
Linda Courtenay Botterill ◽  
Geoff Cockfield

The idealisation of rural work, people, and communities is remarkably persistent in Western countries. With the diminishing role of agriculture in national economies and changing values, this agrarian sentiment could be expected to lose currency. Yet, agrarian tropes and narratives remain evident in popular culture, political discourse, and public policy. Flinn and Johnson, in the 1970s, pioneered empirical studies of agrarianism based on a regionally specific and relatively small sample from which they identified five tenets of agrarianism. We sought to develop a survey instrument to explore whether changes in societal values, and in the structures and practices of agriculture, mean these tenets no longer hold. We find that, overall, many of the key elements identified by Flinn and Johnson are still evident. In addition, we have identified three domains of agrarianism: foundationalism, ruralism, and stewardship, that represent some of the historical diversity of agrarian themes and some accommodation with environmentalism.


Author(s):  
Dmitry S. Chekmenev ◽  
Maria A. Dyakonova ◽  
Svetlana A. Mihienko ◽  
Alexandra V. Yakusheva ◽  
Elena A. Soloveva

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (03) ◽  
pp. 527-530
Author(s):  
Sara Rinfret

ABSTRACTContemporary political discourse often presents controversial policy topics (e.g., public lands, climate change, and immigration) in a bimodal manner—either for or against. As a result, can our classrooms provide a space for students to learn how to construct solutions that broker various perspectives? For students to reconcile policy differences, I designed a series of debate panels across a semester. The focus of this article is to describe the details of the debate panels so they can be replicated in educational settings. Moreover, the debate panels embody active or experiential learning for students to become informed participants of US public-policy making.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
WARREN JOHNSTON

The tendency to draw a sharp line of demarcation between pre- and post-1660 England has long been standard historical practice. This separation is especially evident in the study of apocalyptic thought, which is accepted as important to understanding the history of early and mid-seventeenth-century England: despite the efforts of some scholars to trace its subsequent developments, the presence of eschatological language and belief in the later seventeenth century is most often relegated to the radical margins and lunatic fringes of English society. This article demonstrates that apocalyptic convictions were not dismissed from mainstream relevance after 1660. Using the Revolution of 1688–9 as a case-study, it demonstrates that hopes and predictions of eschatological fulfilment were present among nonconformists and Church of England proponents alike. In their works are found apocalyptic celebrations of the events of 1688 and 1689, and also the continued concern with issues that had dominated domestic religious and political discourse for the previous three decades.


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