scholarly journals Sino-Russian relations as a deterrent factor of the G2 conflict: prospects and policy recommendations

Author(s):  
Francisco Javier Brambila Martinez

This examines promising directions in Sino-Russian cooperation as a deterrent factor of multidimensional confrontation in the G2 format. The subject of this research is modern and advanced mechanisms of cooperation of geostrategic importance between the two countries, adapted to the global requirements. The goal of this work consists in the review of the common pursuit of the nations for more equal distribution of global power in the aftermath of American hegemony as a result of global trade. The emergence of new regional actors and their ability to operate on the global level and beyond the ideological constraints is analyzed through the United States-China relations, promising trade agreements of China with the European Union and Russia. The author considers the existing hypothesis on the prospects of concentration of regional power and emergence of new actors. The modern forecasts regarding the future of Sino-Russian cooperation are compared with geostrategic approach on the basis of the national interest and sovereignty of the countries in the absence of sound ideology for the purpose of conceptualization of future scenarios and mechanisms for prevention and settlement of conflicts. In conclusion, the author underlines the common pursuit of Sino-Russian cooperation for achieving the objectives of geostrategic nature, which constitutes the dynamic foundation for more equal distribution of world power. This article provides an actual approach towards future globalization scenarios, which would assist to prevent and resolve the conflicts using innovative models of international cooperation in the globalized region.

Author(s):  
Francisco Javier Brambila Martinez

This examines promising directions in Sino-Russian cooperation as a deterrent factor of multidimensional confrontation in the G2 format. The subject of this research is modern and advanced mechanisms of cooperation of geostrategic importance between the two countries, adapted to the global requirements. The goal of this work consists in the review of the common pursuit of the nations for more equal distribution of global power in the aftermath of American hegemony as a result of global trade. The emergence of new regional actors and their ability to operate on the global level and beyond the ideological constraints is analyzed through the United States-China relations, promising trade agreements of China with the European Union and Russia. The author considers the existing hypothesis on the prospects of concentration of regional power and emergence of new actors. The modern forecasts regarding the future of Sino-Russian cooperation are compared with geostrategic approach on the basis of the national interest and sovereignty of the countries in the absence of sound ideology for the purpose of conceptualization of future scenarios and mechanisms for prevention and settlement of conflicts. In conclusion, the author underlines the common pursuit of Sino-Russian cooperation for achieving the objectives of geostrategic nature, which constitutes the dynamic foundation for more equal distribution of world power. This article provides an actual approach towards future globalization scenarios, which would assist to prevent and resolve the conflicts using innovative models of international cooperation in the globalized region.


2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 434-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCOS VINICIUS ISAIAS MENDES

ABSTRACT The paper aims to present some aspects of the debate about the end of the hegemony of the United States, in light of the theories of systemic cycles of accumulation and hegemonic stability. Among the conclusions, the paper shows that the North-American hegemony is diminishing not only because of the emergence of new powerful countries, such as China, but because the international system, composed by new powerful actors such as multinational corporations, global cities, religious organizations and transnational terrorist groups, is diminishing the means by which the US has exercised its global power since the mid twentieth century.


1958 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-208
Author(s):  
Charles M. Hardin

In the diverse humanity that makes up the United States of America many groups such as the farmers appear to be both separate and integrated, at once distinct and blended in the common image. Others have been more despised and mocked than farmers, and occasionally some have been equally praised. But none other has been the subject of as much idolatry and contempt as the hayseedy son of honest toil and sweat, the noble yokel, the independent and thoughtful clodhopper, the bucolic philosopher, the industrious sucker, the indispensable hick, and the God-fearing, hell-fire-and-brimstone breathing last stronghold of woolhatted democracy — the farmer. Let us look at his political, economic, and cultural significance.


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 92-95
Author(s):  
Kathleen Claussen

These remarks are derived from a forthcoming work considering the future of international trade law. Compared with most features of the international legal system, the regional and bilateral trade law system is in the early stages of its evolution. For example, the United States is a party to fourteen free trade agreements currently in force, all but two of which have entered into force since 2000. The recent proliferation of agreements, particularly bilateral and regional agreements, is not unique to the United States. The European Union recently concluded trade agreement negotiations with Canada, Singapore, and Vietnam to add to its twenty-seven agreements in force and is negotiating approximately ten additional bilateral or multilateral agreements. In the Asia-Pacific Region, the number of regional and bilateral free trade agreements has grown exponentially since the conclusion of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Free Trade Area of 1992. At that time, the region counted five such agreements in force. Today, the number totals 140 with another seventy-nine under negotiation or awaiting entry into force. The People's Republic of China is negotiating half a dozen bilateral trade agreements at present to top off the sixteen already in effect. India likewise is engaged in at least ten trade agreement negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports 267 agreements of this sort in force among its members as of July 1, 2016.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inkyo Cheong ◽  
Jungran Cho

The Korean government introduced the trade adjustment assistance (TAA) program to facilitate structural adjustment under the implementation of its free trade agreements (FTAs). One big problem with the TAA program is that its criterion for eligibility for TAA support requires a 25 percent decrease in sales volume, and this does not reflect firms' business realities. The TAA program should be reformed to reflect that the TAA is a quid pro quo for the implementation of FTAs with large economies such as the United States and the EU.


2016 ◽  
pp. 205-244
Author(s):  
Daniel Hawkins

Los dos tratados de libre comercio firmados por Colombia con los Estados Unidos (2012) y Perú y la Unión Europea (2013) no solo marcaron el eje central de la política de apertura e integración económica de los gobiernos de Álvaro Uribe y Juan Manuel Santos, sino también pusieron a prueba la capacidad del Gobierno estadounidense y las instituciones de la Unión Europea para asegurar que sus políticas comerciales hacia países del Sur, como Colombia, pudieran mejorar las precarias condiciones laborales de gran parte de la población trabajadora y la capacidad estatal para proteger y garantizar los derechos laborales fundamentales y demás derechos sociales. Este artículo analiza las diferencias en ambos modelos de negociar temas laborales y compara el grado de impactos sociales positivos que ambos TLC han traído a Colombia varios años después de su implementación.Palabras clave: Tratados de libre comercio, acuerdos laborales paralelos, derechos laborales fundamentales, plan de acción laboral, Resolución 2628. Abstract The Labor Issue in FTA Negotiations: Lessons from Colombia’s Experiences with FTAs with the United States and the European Union Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) signed by Colombia with the United States (2012) and Peru and the European Union (2013) not only marked the central axis of the economic liberalization and integration policy of Alvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos governments, but they also put to test the ability of the US government and the EU institutions to ensure that their commercial policies with countries of the South, such as Colombia, would improve the precarious working conditions of a considerable part of the working population. Furthermore, they also challenge the capacity of the Colombian state to protect and guarantee fundamental labor rights and other social rights. This article examines the differences between both models of negotiating labor issues and compares the degree to which both FTAs have actually brought about positive social impact in Colombia a few years after their formal implementation.Key words: Free Trade Agreements, Parallel Labor Agreements, Fundamental Labor Rights, Labor Action Plan, Resolution 2628.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 18-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerda Van Roozendaal

The number of free trade agreements (FTAs) concluded by the United States of America (US) has grown vastly over the past two decades. While FTAs contribute to increased global competition and as such may also contribute to socially-undesirable practices in the area of working conditions and the environment, the proliferation in FTAs has paradoxically also augmented the potential for making free trade more fair as some of these agreements now include labour provisions. However, the question is whether these trade agreements have also actually diffused internationally recognised labour standards. This article studies the FTA the US signed in 2004 with a number of Central American countries and which, at a later stage, also included the Dominican Republic. This FTA is commonly referred to as CAFTA-DR and includes a chapter on labour standards. The article argues that the effects of the inclusion of labour standards in CAFTA-DR have been limited and therefore should be viewed as an unsuccessful attempt at policy transfer. This is illustrated by the case of Guatemala, a country known for its lack of respect for labour standards and which is currently the subject of a complaints procedure under the CAFTA-DR. It is maintained that this lack of effectiveness is the result of many factors. Among these is the weakness of the labour chapter of CAFTA-DR resulting from the fact that the chapter is the outcome of bargaining processes both within the US and between the US and Guatemala, where symbolic results were valued more highly than actual substance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 680-704 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Ortino ◽  
Emily Lydgate

Abstract The number of international agreements purporting to liberalise trade, mainly focused on reducing protectionist measures through the imposition of general principles, has increased greatly over the last 25 years. More recently, the United States and the European Union (EU) concluded comprehensive agreements covering trade in goods, trade in services, and foreign investment. This article inquires whether, and the extent to which, such agreements represent a departure from previous practice. It focuses on (a) the instruments employed to address domestic regulation affecting trade in services and (b) three specific agreements concluded between 2016 and 2018: the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, and the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement. While these recent Preferential Trade Agreements put forward novel approaches to regulatory diversity affecting trade in services, it is too early to ascertain whether these will have any ground-breaking impact in terms of services trade liberalisation.


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