3. The New York City Fiscal Crisis and the Idea of the State

2018 ◽  
pp. 96-116
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
The State ◽  
Fiscal Crisis

Freedom of the Air in the United States

1931 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-251
Author(s):  
Blewett Lee
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
New Jersey ◽  
York City ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Inland Waters ◽  
State Board

On September 15, 1930, the State Board of Commerce and Navigation of New Jersey made a ruling that aircraft would not be permitted to land on any New Jersey waters above tidewater within the jurisdiction of the state. The application had been made for permission to operate a five passenger flying boat between Nolan's Point, Lake Hopatcong, a vacation resort, and New York City, and to set off a portion of the lake to make a landing place for the hydroairplane. It was stated that other inland waters in New Jersey were being used for a similar purpose, and the ground of the refusal was that aircraft flying from water constituted a menace to surface navigation. This ruling created considerable newspaper comment and aroused vigorous protest from persons interested in aviation, and by order of October 20, 1930, the ruling was limited to Lake Hopatcong.

Coalition Bargaining in Municipal Government: The New York City Experience

ILR Review ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lewin ◽  
Mary McCormick
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
York City ◽  
Municipal Government ◽  
Fiscal Crisis ◽  
It Management ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Conditions Of Employment ◽  
Coalition Bargaining

This paper analyzes the emergence and development of two-tier coalition bargaining in the municipal government of New York City from the late 1960s through the 1980 negotiations. The reduction of interunion rivalries, growth of pattern bargaining, and enactment of the city's Collective Bargaining Law in 1967 were important precedents to formal coalition bargaining, but it was the fiscal crisis of the mid 1970s that provided a major thrust to the adoption of this type of bargaining structure. Through it, management and union officials were able not only to reach master and subsidiary agreements covering wages and conditions of employment, but to bargain broader fiscal rescue agreements with representatives of the federal and state governments who, in the wake of the fiscal crisis, acquired greater political control over the nation's largest city. The empirical findings are linked to theories of bargaining structure and provide the basis for predicting the continuance of coalition bargaining in New York City during the 1980s but only limited adoption of this bargaining format elsewhere in the American public sector.

The Jenkins Television Corporation

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald G. Godfrey
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Stock Market ◽  
York City ◽  
The State ◽  
Jersey City ◽  
The Impact

This chapter focuses on the Jenkins Television Corporation, founded by C. Francis Jenkins on November 16, 1928, under the laws of the State of Delaware. Jenkins Television combined Jenkins' television and Lee De Forest's radio patents, their technology, and their salable names. It was designed for manufacturing and selling equipment created by the Jenkins Laboratories, and was financed to meet the demands for receivers. This chapter begins with a discussion of Jenkins' relocation of W3XK to Wheaton, Maryland, along with some of the station's program innovations. It also considers Jenkins Television's creation of two television stations, W2XCR in Jersey City and WGBS in New York City; demonstrations of a “flying laboratory” for home transmission of radio movies; and lawsuits that hounded Jenkins and Jenkins Television. Finally, it examines the impact of the stock market collapse in 1929 on Jenkins' companies and the eventual downfall of the Jenkins Television Corporation before reflecting on Jenkins' death in 1934.

Nationalism and the State: A Russian Dilemma

1962 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Rogger
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
The State ◽  
American Historical Association ◽  
National Purpose ◽  
National Style

The title of the panel at which this paper was originally presented — “Nationalism and the Growth of States”, at the 1960 meeting of the American Historical Association in New York City — suggested a concern with nationalism as a political phenomenon. We were not speaking primarily about love of country, the cultivation of a national style or hatred of the foreigner, but about political convictions, attitudes or movements and their relation to the state. The dilemma of nineteenth-century Russian nationalism, so defined, consists in this — that it could only with difficulty, if at all, view the tsarist state as the embodiment of the national purpose, as the necessary instrument and expression of national goals and values, while the state, for its part, looked upon every autonomous expression of nationalism with fear and suspicion.

scholarly journals Public response to 9/11 in politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 34-42
Author(s):  
Kristina Kočan Šalamon
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
The State ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Public Response ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
Language Issues

The paper with the title “Public Response to 9/11 in Politics: Patriotism, Fear and Language Issues” examines the immediate responses that emerged in American political administration after the terrorist attacks on 11 September, 2001 in New York City and Washington, D.C. Moreover, the paper analyzes the speech “We Have Seen the State of Our Union” given before the Congress on September 20, 2001, by the former U.S. President George H. W. Bush, showing the prevalent manner of the rhetoric of the then current government administration. Seeking to explain the rhetoric of the politicians after 9/11, the analysis explores several parameters. This kind of rhetoric addressed the issues connected to 9/11, and employed a great deal of patriotism-related words as well as a language that could help instigate fear and paranoia in Americans and their culture.

Cholera’s First European Tour

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel K. Cohn, Jr.
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
The State ◽  
British Isles ◽  
Recent Immigrants ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Human Cadavers ◽  
Women And Children

This chapter discovers seventy-two cholera riots in the British Isles during the first thirteen-month cholera wave to strike the region in 1831–2. These show a variety of concerns with one distinctive characteristic that derived from new demands by anatomical schools to supply human cadavers for teaching. Overwhelmingly, the motives behind this cholera hate and violence, however, form a larger pattern seen from Asiatic Russia to New York City: fear of hospitals and the state induced by the belief that elites with physicians as their agents had invented the disease to cull populations of the poor. While impoverished women and children and recent immigrants composed crowds numbering as many as three thousand, the targets of the rioters were cholera vehicles, hospitals, and physicians. It was a class struggle but one which Marx, Engels, and later left-leaning historians have made little attempt to explain or even mention.

Becoming Wards of the State: Race, Crime, and Childhood in the Struggle for Foster Care Integration, 1920s to 1960s

2020 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaela Christy Simmons
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Foster Care ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
York City ◽  
Child Protection ◽  
The State ◽  
Foster Care System ◽  
American Children ◽  
Care System

Using archival materials from the Domestic Relations Court of New York City, this article traces the conflict between private institutions and the state over responsibility for neglected African American children in the early twentieth century. After a long history of exclusion by private child welfare, the court assumed public responsibility for the protection of children of all races. Yet, in an arrangement of delegated governance, judges found themselves unable to place non-white children because of the enduring exclusionary policies of private agencies. When the situation became critical, the City sought to wrest control from private agencies by developing a supplemental public foster care system. This compromise over responsibility racialized the developing public foster care system of New York City, and it transformed frameworks of child protection as a social problem. The findings highlight the political salience surrounding issues of racial access in the delegated welfare state. Tracing how the conflict over access unfolded in New York City child protection provides an empirical case for understanding how the delegation of social welfare to private agencies can actually weaken racial integration efforts, generate distinct modes of social welfare inclusion, and racialize perceptions of social problems.

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