China and the September Thirtieth Movement

Author(s):  
Taomo Zhou

This chapter focuses on the September Thirtieth Movement. In the early morning before dawn on October 1, 1965, a group of mostly middle-ranking military officers calling themselves the September Thirtieth Movement kidnapped and killed six senior anti-Communist generals. They later announced that a Revolutionary Council composed of left-wing, right-wing, and neutral political forces had seized power. General Suharto and the Indonesian army under him claimed that the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) had organized the movement with the encouragement of and support from Beijing in order to spark a national uprising. Ten days after the movement, the Indonesian army accused the Chinese government of smuggling arms to the PKI for the revolt. This claim of Beijing's alleged behind-the-scenes role in the September Thirtieth Movement fanned anti-China and anti-Chinese sentiments in Indonesia. In the months following the September Thirtieth Movement, Sino-Indonesian relations deteriorated sharply and mass demonstrations broke out across Indonesia at People's Republic of China embassies, consulates, and news agencies. The chapter then claims that the Suharto regime manufactured these claims to justify its anti-Communist purges.

Author(s):  
Anna Sergeevna Konopiy ◽  
Boris Andreevich Borisov

The subject of this research is digital national currencies of the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation. The advent of the new digital era entails inevitable, objectively dictated digital transformations of all spheres of social life. The financial and banking sector in Russia, China, and other countries, is in need for legislative-digital regulation by implementing digital fiat currency. One of the most promising vectors of development is the creation and introduction of new forms of currencies into circulation, which would be recognized by public authority as a legal means of payment, as well as subject to effective oversight by government bodies. The novelty of this research lies in the comparative legal analysis of the experience, as well as the stages of implementation of digital national currency in the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China. The article raised a pressing issue on feasibility of introducing digital ruble into the Russian reality, and thus, discusses successful experience of the Chinese government that a millennium ago was first to invent paper currency, and now is one of the world leaders to introduce digital currency alongside cash money. The concept of “digital currency” is often identified with cryptocurrencies and payment systems, which prompted the authors to conduct a comparative analysis of these terms. The analysis of Russian and Chinese legislation in the area of digital currency, as well as the established practice of implementing a new monetary form into the country’s economy, allowed outlining the pros and cons of such innovation.


Napredak ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-22
Author(s):  
Ivan Mrkić

The text speaks about the formation of the Communist Party of China, its beginnings and development, as well as the categorizations ever since the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949. The new geopolitical reality has been explained, especially since the fall of the Berlin Wall. The argumentation is made about the peculiarities of Chinese history and modern development. The immeasurable importance of the Communist Party of China in governing the most populous country is pointed out. A short section on the relations between Serbia and China has been included. The conclusion highlights the general views encompassing most of the claims presented in the previous text.


Author(s):  
Roman Z. Rouvinsky ◽  
Tatiana Komarova

This article examines the normative legal framework and principles of functionality of the Social Credit System that is currently being implemented in the People's Republic of China. For the first time in legal science, the Social Credit System is viewed not as an organizational and regulatory technique that in one or another way is related to law, but rather as an independent legal institution relevant to the branch of administrative law. The application of formal-legal and comparative-legal methods allows describing the hierarchy of sources of the Chinese law pertaining to social credit mechanisms and procedures, as well as giving characteristics to major provisions of the corresponding normative acts. The peculiarities of legal regulation of the mechanisms and procedures that comprise the Social Credit System in PRC include the following aspects: sublegislative nature of such regulation, prevalence of joint lawmaking, focal role of normative legal acts of the Chinese government, declarative character and ambiguity of multiple legal provisions with regards to the Social Credit System. The author underline the specificity of interpretation of the normative legal acts of the People's Republic of China, usage by the lawmaking branches of moral categories in formulation of provisions for regulation of elaboration and implementation of the social credit mechanisms. The provisions of governmental and departmental normative legal acts pertaining to the Social Credit System are correlated with the provisions of the current Constitution of the People's Republic of China.


1987 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Jon W. Huebner

On 1 October 1949 the People's Republic of China was formally established in Beijing. On 7 December Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi), who had earlier moved to Taiwan to secure a final base of resistance in the civil war, ordered the Kuomintang (KMT) regime to withdraw to the island from Chengdu, Sichuan, its last seat on the mainland. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) declared its commitment to the goal of unifying the nation under the People's Republic, and thus called for the “liberation” of Taiwan. Although Taiwan represented the final phase of the still unfinished civil war, it was the strategic significance of the island that became of paramount concern to the CCP, the KMT and the United States.


2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael M. Sheng

In October 1950 the Chinese leader Mao Zedong embarked on a two-front war. He sent troops to Korea and invaded Tibet at a time when the People's Republic of China was burdened with many domestic problems. The logic behind Mao's risky policy has baffled historians ever since. By drawing on newly available Chinese and Western documents and memoirs, this article explains what happened in October 1950 and why Mao acted as he did. The release of key documents such as telegrams between Mao and his subordinates enables scholars to understand Chinese policymaking vis-à-vis Tibet much more fully than in the past. The article shows that Mao skillfully used the conflicts for his own purposes and consolidated his hold over the Chinese Communist Party.


2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
AMY KING

AbstractThe Chinese Communist Party was confronted with the pressing challenge of ‘reconstructing’ China's industrial economy when it came to power in 1949. Drawing on recently declassified Chinese Foreign Ministry archives, this article argues that the Party met this challenge by drawing on the expertise of Japanese technicians left behind in Northeast China at the end of the Second World War. Between 1949 and 1953, when they were eventually repatriated, thousands of Japanese technicians were used by the Chinese Communist Party to develop new technology and industrial techniques, train less skilled Chinese workers, and rebuild factories, mines, railways, and other industrial sites in the Northeast. These first four years of the People's Republic of China represent an important moment of both continuity and change in China's history. Like the Chinese Nationalist government before them, the Chinese Communist Party continued to draw on the technological and industrial legacy of the Japanese empire in Asia to rebuild China's war-torn economy. But this four-year period was also a moment of profound change. As the Cold War erupted in Asia, the Chinese Communist Party began a long-term reconceptualization of how national power was intimately connected to technology and industrial capability, and viewed Japanese technicians as a vital element in the transformation of China into a modern and powerful nation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-157
Author(s):  
N I Malysheva

The article analyzes the problems of legitimation, legitimacy and legality of law in the light of the Chinese legal system. It is noted that the above theoretical and legal categories, which have been developed in the framework of various types of legal understanding, need serious clarification, taking into account the peculiarities of the Chinese political and legal reality. From the historical point of view attention is being paid to Confucianism and Legalism, which have laid the foundations of the Chinese legal tradition and are influencing China’s law system until now. The author is examining the possibility of further updating the ancient Chinese concept of the «Heaven mandate» in modern conditions. A significant place in the article is devoted to analyzing the role of the Chinese Communist Party in giving legitimacy to the legal norms established by the legislator. The author analyses the legal nature of the program documents of the Communist Party of China, emphasizes the existence of the suggestive elements of legitimization of laws being adopted in China. In conclusion the article focuses on the process of legitimization of one of the Constellations of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, which abolished the terms limits of the Chairman of the People’s Republic of China, and it sums up that the constitutional amendment was legal from the formal point of view.


Worldview ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (12) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Gerald F. Hyman

If Secretary of State Vance's “exploratory” trip to China proved nothing else, it demonstrated once again that because our relations with Taiwan are the main obstacles to recognizing the People's Republic of China, it is Taiwan, not mainland China, that poses the main problem for American foreign policy in Asia. To a man the Chinese reiterated their conditions for establishing relations: abrogate the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954; break diplomatic relations with Taiwan; and withdraw the American military personnel from the island. With respect to the general question of Taiwan, they all referred back to the PRC section of the Shanghai Communique (published jointly with our own):The Taiwan question is the crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations between China and the United States; the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government of China; Taiwan is a province of China which has long been returned to the motherland; the liberation of Taiwan is China's internal affair in which no other country has the right to interfere; and all U.S. forces and military installations must be withdrawn from Taiwan. The Chinese Government firmly opposes any activities which aim at the creation of “one China, two governments,” “two Chinas” and “independent Taiwan” or advocate that “the status of Taiwan remains to be determined” [The “Shanghai Communique,” February 27, 1972].


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