The Role of the Stability Pact for the Security in South East Europe

Der Donauraum ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-51
Author(s):  
Donald B. Kursch
2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Dražen Derado

Trade liberalisation brings long-term benefits. Nonetheless, in order to be able to realise those benefits, a creation of a competitive economic structure is required, which would make it possible to successfully participate in the international division of labour. Building from this fact, this paper analyzes the effects of trade liberalisation between the SEEC. To that end, a method of intra-industry trade has been applied on the example of Croatia, in order to establish dynamic effects of changes in trade flows. Low level of trade integration and weak midterm growth prospects in inter-sectoral trade represent the biggest threat for the countries in the Region. The threat could be manifested through rising adjustment costs, as a consequence of trade liberalisation, and could, therefore, jeopardize economic stability. Low level of trade integration poses a problem even from the aspect of the policy of international community towards South East Europe in the framework of the Stability Pact.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 9-33

The occurrence of brownfields areas is related to fast development within industrial activity. Conventional labour-intense industrial activities were losing their significance and new highly-productive activities, based on educated labour force and higher added value, developed. De-industrialisation occurred. The external signs of negative de-industrialisation are mostly degradation of space, unemployment, social endangerment, increase of crime and marginalisation of the population in the affected areas. Based on the experience gained working on an international project ReTInA - Revitalization of Traditional Industrial Areas in South East Europe we came to the conclusion that the role of Geography and geographers is too inconsiderable and not in accordance with global trends of interdisciplinary approach to problem solving. We see the problem in an inadequate approach to solving revitalisations from top to bottom as well as in the ill-defined role of Geography and geographers. Findings, gained through multiyear work on the project are the following: the place and role of Geography and geographers solving the problem of brownfields need to be defined anew.


Author(s):  
Dragoslav Stojic ◽  
Djordje Djordjevic ◽  
Jasmina Stojic

DYNET Project has greatly contributed to the development of high engineering education at the University of Nis, since year 2000. This project has been financed by the German DAAD program, in the framework of the South East Europe Stability Pact, and the goal of the project is primarily development of high education in the region, and education of young engineers. The project began at the Ruhr University of Bochum (RUB) in cooperation with the Universities of Nis (UN), Skopje and Sarajevo, and later expanded to other universities. The basis of cooperation is a very successful long term cooperation of two universities of RUB and UN, that dates back to 1975 and which has been managed by professor Guenther Schmid of the University of Bochum. A reform of the Curriculum was initiated at the Faculty of Civil Engineering and Architecture of Nis in 2000 and it has been officially underway for three years. The programs have been organized along the principles of the Bologna process. The studies are divided into three levels: Bachelor Studies, Master Studies, and Doctoral Studies. The programs of the studies comprise study fields such as bridges, tunnels, hydraulic engineering, road and rail networks or residential, commercial and industrial buildings. The paper promotes the benefits of the participation of the Faculty of Civil Engineering and Architecture of the University of Nis in the DYNET project, as well as the analysis and challenges which were present in the process of engineering education.


Author(s):  
Gregory R. Copley

It has been long and widely forecast that the security situation in the Balkans — indeed, in South-Eastern Europe generally — would become delicate, and would fracture, during the final stages of the Albanian quest for independence for the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. The Kosovo region is now a lawless area. It has been ethnically-cleansed of Serbs, and re-populated by Albanians who have progressively and illegally, over the past decades, migrated into the area. Years of so-called peacekeeping by the international community count for nothing. Kosovo’s presence as a nominally independent state, without any of the essential foundations to meet the true criteria for sovereignty, can in no way further the stability of the region, or of Europe. Neither can it serve US strategic interests, unless US interests can be defined as a breakdown of viability of Eastern and southern Europe. Not only Kosovo, but all of Albania and other Balkan communities have become captive of the criminal-political movements which owe their power to their alliance with Al-Qaida, Iran, and the Saudi-funded Wahhabist movements. Therefore, new warfare will be supported by many elements of the international Јihadist movements which work closely with Albanian groups such as the KLA along the so-called Green Transversal line (or Zelena Transverzala) — really a clandestine highway or network — which not only carries jihadists but also narcotics and weapons along international supply lines crossing from Turkey and the Adriatic into the Balkans and on into Western Europe. So, the broader battle is now being joined in South-East Europe, in Kosovo, Rashka, the Preshevo Valley, in FYROM, Montenegro, and Epirus being in large part proxy warfare which is symptomatic of the emergence of a new Cold War on a global scale. One can only imagine the negative consequences for Balkan stability if, for example, Turkey’s status changes and Ankara no longer feels obliged to temper its activities, or its use of Islamist surrogate or proxy groups to further pan-Turkish ambitions. On the other hand, we have not yet seen the completion of the break-up of Yugoslavia, and even the wrenching of Kosovo may not complete it. We will then see the dismemberment of some of the Yugoslav parts already independent, perhaps even the dismemberment of FYROM and Bosnia. Perhaps those State Department officials will be surprised, too, to see — a decade or two hence — the claims of autonomy emerging for parts of Arizona, Southern California, or Texas, citing the same pretext of “self-determination” now being claimed by those who moved across the borders to occupy Serbia’s Kosovo province. The Balkans region and the Eastern Mediterranean generally are entering a further period of crisis, insurrection, and possibly open conflict. None of the regional states, but particularly Serbia, are doing enough to address the security ramifications of the coming de facto independence of Kosovo. Finally, conflict issues in the Middle East, and specifically in Iraq, and relating to Iran, will continue to have a profound impact on the stability of the Balkans, and vice-versa


Sociologija ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 211-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siyka Kovacheva

Large-scale surveys rate Bulgaria and the whole of South-East Europe as societies poor in both formal and informal social capital. At the same time studies show that families in the region remain closely knit and norms of reciprocity, empathy and support among members of extended families are valued highly. To throw light upon this contradiction the paper presents results from a qualitative research into family support for youth transitions from school to work in Bulgaria conducted in 2002-2003. It uses of data from in-depth interviews with 46 young people one year after graduation from school or university and 34 of their parents. The paper analyses in more detail three case studies representing different patterns of family support. The role of the family remains important under post-communism when it acts as a network for its members and with the access to other social networks external to the family.


Sociology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 727-744 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Alacovska

This article considers the analytical potential of a concept of care that foregrounds human interdependencies, relational ties and the needs of others as the basis for action in analysing work, such as creative work, which is neither directly nor obviously associated with care provision. Work in the creative industries has recently become a central concern in sociology. Much of this scholarship reproduces or extends the idea of creative work as a paradigm of individualized work in contemporary societies that is characterized by high levels of worker autonomy, passion, self-expression and self-enterprise. This article challenges such theorizations by calling attention to the role of caring in creative work, understood both as an ontological phenomenon and as a relational practice of sustaining and repairing the world. Drawing on a qualitative study of socially engaged art in South-East Europe, I argue that creative work manifests itself as a labour of care and compassion.


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