Shoreline Surveys at the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill: The State of Alaska Response

1991 ◽  
Vol 1991 (1) ◽  
pp. 519-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erich Gundlach ◽  
Eugene A. Pavia ◽  
Clay Robinson ◽  
James C. Gibeaut

ABSTRACT The state of Alaska needs information on the shoreline impacts of the Exxon Valdez incident to determine the linear extent of affected shoreline and the degree of oil penetration into the beach versus surface coverage, to assist the shoreline treatment effort, and to monitor oil persistence. Three principal methods were used to obtain data. Low-altitude helicopter surveys were made repeatedly during the first months of the incident to define shoreline impacts as heavy, moderate, light, and “no observed oiling.” A total of 140 ground stations in Prince William Sound, and over 60 stations in the Kenai and Kodiak areas, were set up to make specific measurements of surface coverage, oil penetration, and oil thickness along a topographic profile. An extensive (more than 1,400 km) walking survey was mounted after the 1989 treatment season to determine the extent of oil remaining and to guide the 1990 cleanup effort. More than 160 km of shoreline remained moderately to heavily oiled in the three regions at the end of 1989. Collected data were entered into the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation geographic information system to enable map production, database queries, and report creation. On an as-needed basis, data derived from these surveys were presented to the state on-scene coordinator, other state and federal agencies, and the cleanup operation.

1991 ◽  
Vol 1991 (1) ◽  
pp. 321-323
Author(s):  
Randolph Bayliss ◽  
John H. Janssen ◽  
Albert Kegler ◽  
Marshal Kendziorek ◽  
Daniel Lawn ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT The first weeks of the Exxon Valdez oil spill were critical to the defense of state resources. The Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation (ADEC) implemented the state spill response plan upon notification in the early hours of March 24, 1989. A local ADEC representative boarded the vessel within three and one-half hours of grounding. Experienced ADEC spill response staff, other state agencies, and two cleanup contract firms were notified that morning and were arriving through the first day. The Governor of Alaska and the Commissioner of ADEC surveyed the wreck that same day. Within 33 hours, ADEC had 30 persons on site. The state notification procedure and plan functioned effectively. Key roles undertaken initially by the state were aerial and computer spill tracking; liaison with fishing groups and local villages; and protection of sensitive habitats, especially salmon hatcheries. Notably, ADEC worked with the Cordova District Fishermen United (CDFU) to defend a critical salmon hatchery directly in the path of the spreading oil. Using the Alaska Air National Guard, two Alaska state ferries, and fishing boats, CDFU volunteers, local Chenega villagers, ADEC staff, and contractors used miles of boom to defend the hatchery. The hatchery was spared from oiling just as millions of salmon fry were released.


2021 ◽  
pp. 227-236
Author(s):  
Ann L. Buttenwieser

This chapter recounts how the State Department of Environmental Conservation allowed the Parks Department to open the Floating Pool Lady at Barretto Point Park in the Bronx on June 27, 2018. It points out the appreciation that the author has received since the floating pool started its voyage, emphasizing how people enjoying and having fun provided proof that creating the swimming facility yielded many accomplishments. It also discusses how the Floating Pool Lady weathered two hurricanes and a formidable rainstorm, such as superstorm Sandy in 2012, which only caused minimal damage. The chapter mentions how children in the Bronx from a recreationally underserved neighborhood no longer have to swim in putrid waters now that the floating pool has become accessible. It notes how the Floating Pool Lady had a seasonal record of nearly fifty thousand swimmers in 2019, despite over twelve inches of rainfall in July and August.


1995 ◽  
Vol 1995 (1) ◽  
pp. 972-973
Author(s):  
James C. Gibeaut ◽  
Ernest Piper

ABSTRACT During summer of 1993, the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation surveyed 45 sites in Prince William Sound that were oiled by the March 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill. The data describe the oil's visual properties and extent. Comparisons provide estimates of oil reduction since 1991. From 1991 to 1993, an estimated 50 percent reduction in the amount of asphalt, surface oil residue, and mousse was largely caused by manual removal and raking. Subsurface oil reduced by about 65 percent. Sites mechanically tilled or from which oiled sediment was removed improved the most, but natural reduction was still greater than 50 percent.


1995 ◽  
Vol 1995 (1) ◽  
pp. 1019-1021
Author(s):  
Harry Young ◽  
Larry Dietrick ◽  
Arthur Pilot ◽  
Geoff Harben ◽  
Mark Burger

ABSTRACT Before the development of the state on-scene coordinators’ course, spill response training available to the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation focused on technical aspects, safety, and the incident command system. To function in a unified command and carry out legislatively mandated tasks, a program was needed to instruct responders in the department's duties. As the course evolved, a synergistic relationship developed, which is redefining the response program.


2021 ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
Ann L. Buttenwieser

This chapter begins with the author's experience when she presented her proposal of the floating pool to the Waterfront Committee on July 29, 2004. It recounts her meeting with the State Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC) in 1998 and how she convinced regulators that a floating pool was a water-dependent use. It also details how the author presented the concept of a floating pool to a panel at a Waterfront Center Conference in 2001 and discussed methods to open up urban riverfronts for recreation. The chapter mentions the influential book The Death and Life of Great American Cities by Jane Jacobs, which argued that municipal governments were no longer able to govern effectively. It talks about Jacobs' recommendation of more inclusiveness in the political and administrative processes by creating a subdivision within every public agency whose portfolio affected a locality.


1991 ◽  
Vol 1991 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-191
Author(s):  
John R. Knorr ◽  
Nancy Lethcoe ◽  
Andy Teal ◽  
Sharon Christopherson ◽  
John Whitney

ABSTRACT Following the spill of 11 million gallons of North Slope crude oil by the Exxon Valdez in Alaska on March 24, 1989, a major cooperative effort to plan for the cleanup of Prince William Sound and the Gulf of Alaska shorelines was undertaken in Valdez, Alaska. All aspects of the spill response—the lightering of oil remaining on the stricken tanker, the containment of free-floating oil, and the unknown miles of remote shoreline to be cleaned up—were much larger than anything in American experience. The event provided unprecedented organizational challenges in shoreline cleanup planning and execution. The scope of the shoreline cleanup and the extended cleanup time anticipated, due to geography, weather, logistics, and other factors, required an organization not specifically identified in the National Contingency Plan or the Alaska regional contingency plan. The Interagency Shoreline Cleanup Committee—an interdisciplinary, interagency cleanup planning group—evolved in Valdez concurrently with the larger response organization implemented under existing contingency plans. As a day-to-day working group serving the needs of the federal on-scene coordinator, it included Exxon, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, federal and state land and resource management agencies, Alaska natives, and commercial fishing and environmental groups. The planning model that evolved was refined and streamlined in early 1990 and carried through the remaining cleanup seasons.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Prashant H. Bhagat

The BID (Board of Industrial Development) framed the legislation and it was introduced before the state legislation and passed in the form of Maharashtra Industrial Act which gave birth to Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation (MIDC), as a separate corporation on August 1, 1962. The BID was the first personnel strength of MIDC. A small ceremony at Wagle Estate Thane, under the Chairmanship of the Chief Minister Shri Y.B. Chavan, marked the birth of MIDC on August 1, 1962. The Board of Industrial Development during its existence between October 1, 1960 and August 1, 1962 has done enough spade work to identify the locations for setting up industrial areas in different parts of the state. Thus, right in the first year of establishment MIDC came up with 14 industrial areas, to initiate action for infrastructure and help entrepreneurs set up the industrial units in those areas. Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation is the nodal industrial infrastructure development agency of the Maharashtra Government with the basic objective of setting up industrial areas with a provision of industrial infrastructure all over the state for planned and systematic industrial development. MIDC is an innovative, professionally managed, and user friendly organization that provides the world industrial infrastructure. MIDC has played a vital role in the development of industrial infrastructure in the state of Maharashtra. As the state steps into the next millennium, MIDC lives up to its motto Udyamat Sakal Samruddhi i.e., prosperity to all through industrialization. Indeed, in the endeavor of the state to retain its prime position in the industrial sector, MIDC has played a pivotal role in the last 35 years. MIDC has developed 268 industrial estates across the state which spread over 52653 hectares of land. The growth of the Corporation, achieved in the various fields, during the last three years, could be gauged from the fact that the area currently in possession of MIDC has doubled from 25,000 hectares in 1995.


Author(s):  
David K. Jones

The fight over an exchange had a very different dynamic in New Mexico because there were no loud voices on the right calling for the state to reject control. Republican Governor Susanna Martinez supported retaining control, but strongly preferred a governance model that allowed insurers to serve on the board of directors and limited the degree of oversight by the board on the types of plans that could be sold on the exchange. Governor Martinez vetoed legislation in 2011 that would have set up a different model of an exchange. Institutional quirks meant the legislature did not have the opportunity to weigh in again for two years, until 2013. By this point it was too late and the state had to rely on the federal website despite passing legislation to run its own exchange.


Focaal ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 2009 (54) ◽  
pp. 89-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Projit Bihari Mukharji

The reflections in this article were instigated by the repeated and brutal clashes since 2007 between peasants and the state government’s militias—both official and unofficial—over the issue of industrialization. A communist government engaging peasants violently in order to acquire and transfer their lands to big business houses to set up capitalist enterprises seemed dramatically ironic. De- spite the presence of many immediate causes for the conflict, subtle long-term change to the nature of communist politics in the state was also responsible for the present situation. This article identifies two trends that, though significant, are by themselves not enough to explain what is happening in West Bengal today. First, the growth of a culture of governance where the Communist Party actively seeks to manage rather than politicize social conflicts; second, the recasting of radical political subjectivity as a matter of identity rather than an instigation for critical self-reflection and self-transformation.


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