Chapter 6. Free-Market Think Tanks and the Marketing of Education Policy

2013 ◽  
pp. 67-74
Dissent ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin G. Welner

Author(s):  
Shaun Spiers

This chapter discusses how politicians have been deceived by faith-based, ideologically predetermined anti-planning arguments from free-market think tanks such as Policy Exchange. While ministers were fixating on the planning system as a barrier to house building, they neglected to do the obvious thing: build houses. In time, the ‘war on planning’, a steady stream of reports supported by seminars, newspaper articles, and private lunches and dinners, began to have an impact. Planning came to be widely blamed for the country's failure to build enough homes and, more generally, for holding back economic development. The chapter then looks at four related issues that help explain why a new approach is needed: the rise and fall of council housing; the economic model of the big developers; the rise and fall of the ‘property-owning democracy’; and land values.


Organization ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amon Barros ◽  
Sergio Wanderley

We advocate for the relevance of taking Brazilian past experience and theorization of populism into account to understand present-day challenges. We depart from Weffort’s conceptualization of populism to discuss the role of businesspeople movements in supporting and taking control of the political agenda through think tanks. According to Weffort, populism is built over precarious alliances that tend to favor policy or politics in different moments. During times of divergence among political elites, a populist leader emerges as a mediator in orchestrating an unstable hegemony among asymmetric classes. At the same time, the classes included in the populist alliance give legitimacy to the populist leader; they hinder his capacity of imposing decisions. However, treason of the weakest within the alliance is certain. We suggest that the political role played by the think tank IPES, in 1960s Brazil, in reframing middle-class demands is akin to contemporary populist events in Brazil—represented by the election of Jair Bolsonaro—and in the Anglo-Saxon world. Trumpism and Brexit are examples of a still-powerful free-market ideology project wrapped up under a populist discourse (re)framed with the support of businessmen and think tanks. A corporate takeover of government and the imposition of a free-market agenda are certain, as it is the treason of the weakest in the populist coalition. CMS academics should engage with the demands that give birth to populist movements as a way to dispute the neoliberal hegemony and anti-democratic populist solutions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25
Author(s):  
Antonio Pineda ◽  
Víctor Hernández-Santaolalla ◽  
Cristina Algaba ◽  
Ana I. Barragán-Romero

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Allan Kalapa Mbita

<p>In the past two decades economic theories of the 'market' have permeated economic and social sector policies of both developed and developing countries. Market mechanisms have become the main policy option upon which economic and social sector reforms, including tertiary education, have been premised. In this study I have compared trends in contemporary tertiary education policy of two countries: Zambia and New Zealand. Prior to 1980 in both countries education was predominantly a public monopoly and free at all levels. However, in the late 1980s and early 1990s New Zealand and Zambia respectively embarked on radical economic and social sector reforms based on the competitive market model. I have argued that market mechanisms in education policy of both Zambia and New Zealand had their origins in economic theories of the competitive market. These theories gained popularity at a time when countries were going through unprecedented economic difficulties. Thus, although on the surface competitive market policies would seem to suggest that the aim of government was to improve efficiency and accountability and to increase equity and equality of opportunities in tertiary institutions, under conditions of increasing demand on declining public resources and at a time when demand for tertiary education was increasing, it would appear that the long-term intentions of governments in both countries were to reduce public appropriation to tertiary education by transferring part of the responsibility of funding education to institutions themselves and to the beneficiaries of tertiary education. I have also argued that because New Zealand already had a prolific education system in place and a comprehensive student support system it was in a better position to operate its tertiary education system along free market lines. An under-developed tertiary education sector and lack of comprehensive student-aid packages in Zambia have meant that the implementation of market-oriented policies in tertiary education are likely to impact more negatively on the students, education institutions and Zambian society in general.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ruth Lillian Mansell

<p>Two different ideologies were entwined in the revolutionary reforms of the New Zealand education system implemented in 1989. One was represented by a belief, long held in New Zealand, in democratic participation of communities in decisions that affect them, as a way of empowering diverse groups of people and promoting equity for minority and disadvantaged groups. The second was the free market neo-liberalism of the New Right which emphasised the rights and responsibilities of individual people to choose for themselves what they wanted. This belief is seen as an epiphyte growing vigorously onto the main trunk of democratic egalitarian ideals. The notion of choice seemed, in the initial rhetoric of the reforms, to span both beliefs in a way that represented a settlement of the two different ideals. Community Forums on Education was one of the new policies which seemed to meet both these ideals, providing a means for communities to affect decisions about education issues in their own district and for parents through their Board of Trustees to exercise their own choice for what kind of school they wanted. The way in which the two parts of the tree of education policy grew together is examined first through an analysis of the intentions of those who developed the policy for Community Forums on Education, and then in a case study of the implementation of the policy in the third of the Forums which took place in the Eastern Suburbs of Wellington in 1990. The perceptions of some of the participants in this Forum are reported and analysed. Tensions and conflicts between the two ideals are revealed in both the process and the outcomes of this Forum, as the participants discover that the simple market understanding of choice is increasingly favoured by the politicians who still make the final decisions. The participants describe the conditions which they believe are needed for the more complex democratic community participation to succeed. Their growing frustration and disillusionment is described as they discover that political imperatives for quick decisions, tighter central control, and constrained resources ensure these conditions are not met. This Forum is perceived by many to have given the choice to the already privileged minority, who have advantages of time, access to information, confidence in the language of the market and money. In the light of this Forum, I consider in the concluding section the relationship and interaction between two interpretations of democracy - 'strong' democracy characterised by community participation and 'thin' democracy extolling individual freedom of choice. The question that is raised is whether it is possible, under a New Right regime committed to individual freedom of choice, for the conditions necessary for democratic participation to flourish.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
D Miller

Abstract This paper examines the role of corporations in the creation and utilisation of think tanks, lobby ventures and front groups, both nationally and internationally. It examines how these were implicated in the introduction of neoliberalism in the 1970s/80s. It briefly tells the story of the development of the Mont Pelerin Society and how its acolytes 'littered the world' with free market think tanks which then did battle in the struggle to introduce neoliberalism. It examines how this led to the 'disembedding' (Polanyi 1944) of political and economic elites from society via the rise and maturation of a wide range of intermediary institutions and organisations including three main kinds of groups: National and transnational policy planning groups; Think tanks and think tank networks; lobbying and public relations consultancies. This part of the paper concludes by examining the role of those industrial sectors that have had the most significant Public Health footprint in the neoliberal revolution, in each of the three kinds of groups mentioned above. The paper then turns to the concrete advantages that these ongoing changes gave specific corporate actors with negative public health effects


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Allan Kalapa Mbita

<p>In the past two decades economic theories of the 'market' have permeated economic and social sector policies of both developed and developing countries. Market mechanisms have become the main policy option upon which economic and social sector reforms, including tertiary education, have been premised. In this study I have compared trends in contemporary tertiary education policy of two countries: Zambia and New Zealand. Prior to 1980 in both countries education was predominantly a public monopoly and free at all levels. However, in the late 1980s and early 1990s New Zealand and Zambia respectively embarked on radical economic and social sector reforms based on the competitive market model. I have argued that market mechanisms in education policy of both Zambia and New Zealand had their origins in economic theories of the competitive market. These theories gained popularity at a time when countries were going through unprecedented economic difficulties. Thus, although on the surface competitive market policies would seem to suggest that the aim of government was to improve efficiency and accountability and to increase equity and equality of opportunities in tertiary institutions, under conditions of increasing demand on declining public resources and at a time when demand for tertiary education was increasing, it would appear that the long-term intentions of governments in both countries were to reduce public appropriation to tertiary education by transferring part of the responsibility of funding education to institutions themselves and to the beneficiaries of tertiary education. I have also argued that because New Zealand already had a prolific education system in place and a comprehensive student support system it was in a better position to operate its tertiary education system along free market lines. An under-developed tertiary education sector and lack of comprehensive student-aid packages in Zambia have meant that the implementation of market-oriented policies in tertiary education are likely to impact more negatively on the students, education institutions and Zambian society in general.</p>


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