sexual murder
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2021 ◽  
pp. 088626052110051
Author(s):  
Georgia Zara ◽  
Delphine Theobald ◽  
Sara Veggi ◽  
Franco Freilone ◽  
Eleonora Biondi ◽  
...  

Violence against women is a form of gender violence, and the lethal aspect of it, defined as femicide, is a global health and human rights problem. This study looked at 330 cases of femicide that occurred in North West Italy, between 1970 and 2020, committed by 303 male perpetrators. The victims included women who were prostitutes and those who were not. Findings show that only a small proportion of femicide occurs within an anonymous setting: Victims were mostly killed by a man they knew. The type and intensity of the relationship was likely to affect how the violence occurred. In those cases in which victims and perpetrators had an intimate relationship, the risk of overkill, that is, an excessive use of violence that goes further than what is necessary to cause death, was four times higher in comparison with the murder of unknown victims. As with non-prostitutes, the risk of overkill was almost fourfold for those prostitutes who knew their perpetrators. Furthermore, when comparing prostitutes with any unknown victims, the risk of being overkilled was almost five times higher for the former, suggesting that prostitutes are more at risk of being murdered with excessive violence. In addition, prostitutes were more likely to be victims of sexual murder, postmortem mutilation, and being killed by men who had previous criminal records. Women who are victims of violence are not a homogeneous group, although some of the psychosocial correlates are the same and relevance should be given to the features behind the type, intensity, and nature of the relationship between prostitutes and non-prostitutes and their perpetrators. These variables are what make violence against women a preventable problem.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-151
Author(s):  
Estella Tincknell

This article explores the discursive intersections of masculinity, class and heterosexual desire in the still undervalued British police procedural film, Jigsaw. It considers the film both as an example of a new style of cinematic crime narrative and as a significant conjectural text in which ‘compulsory heterosexuality’ and marriage, especially in their post-war and mid-century forms, are re-articulated, here as compulsive heterosexuality: a masculine drive that can ultimately lead to sexual murder. The film's low-key naturalistic style owes much to the newly realist television drama of the period, while its identification of middle-class masculinity as the locus of transgression carries cultural resonances well beyond the ostensible project of the film's narrative. Released in 1962, Jigsaw was in effect squeezed between, on the one hand, the British New Wave and, on the other, the pop musicals and London-focused films that dominated cinema in the UK in the mid-1960s. However, the casting of dependable Jack Warner as the investigating detective and its Brighton setting mark it out as an important text situated on the cusp between older versions of the crime film and the new permissiveness. Jigsaw's interrogation of the problematic sexual behaviour of two ostensibly middle-class, middle-aged men is therefore particularly interesting, especially when placed within the context of the cultural anxieties about marriage, the increasingly fluid class system of the early 1960s and an emergent youth culture.


Sexual Murder ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Jonathan Cooper
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis B. Schlesinger
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
pp. 141-177
Author(s):  
Russell P. Dobash ◽  
Rebecca Emerson Dobash
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 300-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Hannah Parfitt ◽  
Emma Alleyne

The MacDonald triad posits that animal cruelty, fire setting, and bed wetting in childhood is indicative of later aggressive and violent behavior in adults. Researchers refer to this phenomenon as a precursor to later antisocial behaviors including serial and sexual murder; while practitioners cite the triad in clinical formulations and risk assessments. However, there is yet to be a critical review and consolidation of the literature that establishes whether there is empirical support. This article explores the validity of the triad. We conducted a narrative review of the relevant studies examining the MacDonald triad and its individual constituents. There is evidence that any one of the triad behaviors could predict future violent offending, but it is very rare to find all three behaviors together as predictors. Thus, the empirical research on the MacDonald triad does not fully substantiate its premise. Rather, it would appear that the triad, or its individual constituents, is better used as an indicator of dysfunctional home environments, or poor coping skills in children. Future research is needed with robust and rigorous methodologies (e.g., adequate control groups, longitudinal designs) to fully establish the MacDonald triad’s validity. Finally, further consideration is needed as to whether the triad behaviors are more indicative of other problematic outcomes (e.g., maladaptive coping to life stressors).


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderic Broadhurst ◽  
Ross Maller ◽  
Max Maller ◽  
Brigitte Bouhours

Popular perceptions about the recidivism of homicide offenders are contradictory, varying from one extreme – that such offenders rarely commit further violent offences – to the opposite, where it is thought that they remain at a high risk of serious reoffending. The present study draws on the records of 1088 persons arrested in Western Australia over the period 1984–2005 for domestic murders and other types of homicides (robbery and sexual murder), including attempted murder, conspiracy to murder, manslaughter (unintentional homicide) and driving causing death. Our database provides up to 22 years follow-up time (for those arrested in 1984) and accounts critically for the first and any subsequent arrests, if they occur. Of the 1088 persons, only 3 were subsequently arrested and charged with a homicide offence event in the follow-up period. Among those arrested for a murder and subsequently released, we estimate a probability of 0.66 (accounting for censoring) of being rearrested for another offence of any type. The corresponding probabilities for those originally arrested for manslaughter or for driving causing death were equal, at 0.43. A dynamic analysis of the longitudinal data by survival analysis techniques is used to reliably estimate these probabilities. Having a prior record increased the risk of re-arrest; for example male non-Aboriginals arrested for murder with at least one prior arrest have an estimated probability of 0.72 of being rearrested for another offence of any type. Their estimated probability of being rearrested for another serious offence was 0.33. These findings should be of interest to courts and correctional agencies in assessing risk at various stages of the administration of criminal justice.


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