Violence Against Prostitutes and Non-prostitutes: An Analysis of Frequency, Variety and Severity

2021 ◽  
pp. 088626052110051
Author(s):  
Georgia Zara ◽  
Delphine Theobald ◽  
Sara Veggi ◽  
Franco Freilone ◽  
Eleonora Biondi ◽  
...  

Violence against women is a form of gender violence, and the lethal aspect of it, defined as femicide, is a global health and human rights problem. This study looked at 330 cases of femicide that occurred in North West Italy, between 1970 and 2020, committed by 303 male perpetrators. The victims included women who were prostitutes and those who were not. Findings show that only a small proportion of femicide occurs within an anonymous setting: Victims were mostly killed by a man they knew. The type and intensity of the relationship was likely to affect how the violence occurred. In those cases in which victims and perpetrators had an intimate relationship, the risk of overkill, that is, an excessive use of violence that goes further than what is necessary to cause death, was four times higher in comparison with the murder of unknown victims. As with non-prostitutes, the risk of overkill was almost fourfold for those prostitutes who knew their perpetrators. Furthermore, when comparing prostitutes with any unknown victims, the risk of being overkilled was almost five times higher for the former, suggesting that prostitutes are more at risk of being murdered with excessive violence. In addition, prostitutes were more likely to be victims of sexual murder, postmortem mutilation, and being killed by men who had previous criminal records. Women who are victims of violence are not a homogeneous group, although some of the psychosocial correlates are the same and relevance should be given to the features behind the type, intensity, and nature of the relationship between prostitutes and non-prostitutes and their perpetrators. These variables are what make violence against women a preventable problem.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3, jul.-dez.) ◽  
pp. 252-278
Author(s):  
Milena Geisa dos Santos Martins

Nosso objetivo neste artigo, a partir de entrevistas e netnografia, é mostrar-lhes que a partir do âmbito religioso emergem coletivos cujas as vozes dissonantes não compactuam com a subjugação feminina implementada pela religião e denunciam em ambientes virtuais a violência praticada contra a mulher em ambientes domésticos ou eclesiais. Além de trabalharem voluntariamente instruindo e acolhendo vítimas de violência, é importante destacar que as Feministas Evangélicas, por nós pesquisadas, lutam em favor da legalização do aborto, pois entendem que esta é uma questão de saúde pública. Porém, mesmo lutando em favor dos direitos femininos, elas são ameaçadas por indivíduos que possuem ethos familista e visão conservadora de mundo, pois estes entendem que elas querem destruir a família. Palavras-chave: Feminismo; religião; violência de gênero; política.   Abstract This article aims to present, through interviews and netnography, collectives that emerge from the religious sphere, where dissonant voices do not agree with the female subjugation implemented by religion who denounces in virtual environments the violence against women in environments domestic or ecclesial. Besides volunteer work, instructing, and supporting victims of violence, the Evangelical Feminists group fight for abortion legalization, as they understand it as a public health issue. However, even when fighting for women's rights, they are threatened by individuals who have a familist ethos and a conservative worldview because they understand that they want to destroy the family. Keywords: Feminism; religion; gender violence; policy.   Resumen Nuestro objetivo en este artículo, a partir de entrevistas y netnografía, es mostrar que desde el ámbito religioso surgen colectivos cuyas voces disonantes no concuerdan con la subyugación femenina implementada por la religión y denuncian en entornos virtuales la violencia practicada contra las mujeres en los ambientes doméstico y/o eclesial. Además de trabajar voluntariamente en la instrucción y acogida de víctimas de violencia, es importante destacar que las Feministas Evangélicas que hemos investigado luchan por la legalización del aborto, pues entienden que este es un tema de salud pública. Sin embargo, incluso cuando luchan por los derechos de las mujeres, son amenazadas por individuos que tienen un espíritu familista y una cosmovisión conservadora porque entienden que quieren destruir a la familia. Palabras clave: Feminismo; religión; violencia de género; política.


Subject Violence against women. Significance The incidence of femicide (murders of women) and other forms of gender-based violence, and the perceived failure of the authorities to deter male perpetrators, have become a major source of embarrassment for the government. According to women's groups, 110 women were murdered in Turkey in 2010; by 2019, the figure had risen to 474. Impacts The femicide issue will play a role in Turkey's isolation from the West. Lifestyles are changing although many still think of themselves as religious. The trend towards more single-sex Muslim schools will continue.


Author(s):  
Abdruschin Schaeffer Rocha ◽  
Claudete Beise Ulrich

O presente texto reflete sobre a dessacralização da violência contra as mulheres no altar do patriarcado a partir dos conceitos desejo mimético e bode expiatório, expressos no pensamento de René Girard, na relação entre religião e violência. Ele não tratou, especificamente, em seus textos sobre a violência de gênero. No entanto, os conceitos por ele refletidos sobre desejo mimético e bode expiatório podem ser referenciais para entender a sacralização da violência contra as mulheres na sociedade patriarcal e machista brasileira. Uma forma de superar a perspectiva de bode expiatório, a partir do cristianismo, pode ser a releitura bíblica a partir das vítimas, das mulheres violentadas, buscando desconstruir o sistema religioso, machista e patriarcal. Neste sentido, a educação teológica, com referenciais analíticos de gênero na interseção com etnia/raça, classe social, geração e perspectiva feminista, torna-se fundamental no processo de desconstrução de leituras, discursos, práticas religiosas patriarcais, machistas violentas que promovem o desejo concorrente e a criação de bodes expiatórios.The present text reflects on the unsacralization of violence against women on the altar of patriarchy, based on the concepts mimetic desire and scapegoat, expressed in the thought of René Girard, in the relationship between religion and violence. He did not specifically address his writings on gender violence. However, the concepts he reflects on mimetic desire and scapegoat may be benchmarks for understanding the sacralization of violence against women in Brazilian patriarchal and macho society. One way to overcome the scapegoat perspective, starting with Christianity, may be to read the Bible from the victims perspective, from women who have been violated, seeking to deconstruct the religious, macho and patriarchal system. In this sense, theological education, with analytical gender references at the intersection with ethnicity/race, social class, generation and feminist perspective, becomes fundamental in the process of deconstruction of readings, discourses, patriarchal religious practices, violent sexists that promote desire competitor and the creation of scapegoats.


Author(s):  
Sofie Danneskiold-Samsøe

Artiklen omhandler forholdet mellem tale om statens vold på den ene side og tavshed om vold mod kvinder i familien på den anden. Den stiller spørgsmålene: Er der former for statslig vold, der ikke omtales, og er det i visse tilfælde muligt at tale åbent om vold i familien? Artiklen diskuterer desuden, hvilke muligheder og begrænsninger henholdsvis tavshed og tale giver kvinder og mænd for at bryde med volden og udfordre udøverne af den. Diskussionen tager udgangspunkt i fire irakiske kvinder bosat i Danmark. Alle fire er eller har været gift med irakiske mænd, der har været udsat for tortur i Irak under Baath-styrets regering, og alle fire kvinder er eller har været udsat for vold fra deres mænd. De har altså erfaring med både statens vold og med den private vold i hjemmet. Artiklen konkluderer, at den vold, der finder sted i hjemmet, som regel ikke udtrykkes eksplicit, mens erfaringer med statens vold formidles i mange sociale sammenhænge. Det kan dog ske, at private og kønnede erfaringer med statens vold forties. Det kan også ske, at vold i hjemmet omtales åbent, hvis volden beskrives som et afledt resultat af statens vold med henvisning til, at manden udøver vold som følge af sine traumer fra tortur. Hvordan ofre for vold får stemme, har konsekvenser for deres handlemuligheder og for, hvordan man kan tænke løsninger og veje ud af volden. Søgeord: tavshed, italesættelse, torturofre, vold mod kvinder, Irak, køn This article addresses the relationship between talking about state violence on the one hand and the silencing of domestic violence against women on the other hand. It asks the questions: What kinds of state violence are not talked about, and is it in some cases possible to talk openly about domestic violence? The article also discusses the opportunities and constraints of silence and speech that allow women and men to break the violence and challenge perpetrators. The discussion is based on fieldwork among and interviews with four Iraqi women living in Denmark. The four women are married to or have been married to Iraqi men who have been tortured in Iraq under the Baath regime, and the women are being or have been abused by their husbands. Therefore they have experienced both state violence and domestic violence. The article concludes that the violence that takes place in the home is usually not expressed explicitly, while the experience of state violence is communicated in many social contexts. Private and gendered experiences of state violence may be silenced. It may also be the case that domestic violence is referred to openly in cases where a man’s violence is described as being a result of state violence because trauma resulting from torture makes the victim commit violence himself. The way victims of violence gain voice has implications for possible action and how to think about ways out of violence.Keywords: Silence, speech, torture, violence against women, Iraq, gender 


2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 974-980 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa Maria Godoy Serpa da Fonseca ◽  
Ana Emilia Ramos Bagueira Leal ◽  
Thais Skubs ◽  
Rebeca Nunes Guedes ◽  
Emiko Yoshikawa Egry

This study addresses violence against women from the perspective of Community Health Agents and related care practices developed at the basic care level. It aims to understand their opinions and care practices in daily care delivery in order to support training of workers on this theme. The theoretical-methodological reference was gender violence as a social construct and ideology as a social product and guider of health care practices. Data collection was carried out through a questionnaire with closed questions addressing these professionals' positions in relation to facts in the care delivery context. The results showed that positions and conceptions are mostly supported by common perceptions, that is, they do not differ from women victims of violence or lay people in general, which leads to the conclusion that it is necessary to broaden the discussion of this problem, introducing the gender perspective in the acknowledgement and care of women.


Author(s):  
Vahida Nainar

There is a sharp rise in sexual violence against women and girls over the last decade in India. The 2015–2017 National Crimes Records Bureau (NCRB) data suggest that the rise in sexual violence in different states in India ranges between 30–95 per cent. Though there are several literatures to understand and explain the phenomenon of sexual violence, there are dimensions of sexual violence that remain unexplored leading to substantive knowledge gaps. The article attempts to examine the knowledge gaps and understand the phenomenon of rise in sexual violence. It discusses relevance of patriarchal dominance theory and social disintegration theory to explain the phenomenon. The article concludes that patriarchal dominance theory is the basis for understanding the deep-rooted causes of gender violence as exemplified by rising instances of sexual violence. However, the cultural spillover concept, where the general acquiescence to public violence as illustrated in the high number of elected officials with criminal records, or a corporate decision to make free data accessible to 90 per cent of India’s population by 2017 shows discernable links with the rise in sexual violence.<br /><br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>The article is about the sharp rise in sexual violence in India.</li><br /><li>It uses patriarchal dominance and social disintegration theories of rape as methodological tools to examine the rise.</li><br /><li>It explores the links between hate-based political ideologies, the violence in public life, the access to pornography and the increased instances of sexual violence.</li></ul>


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ishar Helmi

Abstract: Court For Domestic violence. Court For Domestic violence is a new idea of the Integrated Criminal Justice System Handling Cases of Violence Against Women (SPPT- PKKTP) to provide justice to the victims of domestic violence, especially women. Given the complexity of issues related to domestic violence led to the need for this institution was formed. Act No. 23 of 2004 on the Elimination of Violence Against Domestic generally can back up women in getting their legal rights, but the implementation of the Act turns instead of criminalizing women victims of violence, especially because law enforcement officials do not consider the relationship between husband, wife and children, in applying this Act. As a result, women victims of violence do not get their rights. Abstrak: Pengadilan Khusus KDRT. Pengadilan Khusus Kekerasaan Dalam Rumah Tangga merupakan sebuah gagasan baru dari Sistem Peradilan Pidana Terpadu Penanganan Kasus-Kasus Kekerasan Terhadap Perempuan (SPPTPKKTP) dalam memberikan keadilan kepada para korban kekerasan dalam rumah tangga khususnya perempuan. Adanya kompleksitas permasalahan terkait kekerasan dalam rumah tangga menyebabkan perlunya lembaga ini dibentuk. Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2004 tentang Penghapusan Kekerasan Terhadap Rumah Tangga yang secara umum dapat memback up kaum perempuan dalam mendapatkan hak-hak hukumnya, namun dalam implementasinya ternyata undang-undang tersebut justru mengkriminalisasi perempuan korban kekerasan, terutama karena aparat penegak hukum tidak mempertimbangkan hubungan antara suami, istri dan anak, dalam menerapkan undang-undang ini. Akibatnya, perempuan korban kekerasan tidak mendapatkan hak-haknya.  DOI: 10.15408/jch.v1i2.1471


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 780-787
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Hassan Hayatu ◽  
Abdullahi Mohammed ◽  
Barroon Ahmad Isma’eel ◽  
Sahabi Yusuf Ali

Soil fertility determines a plant's development process that guarantees food sufficiency and the security of lives and properties through bumper harvests. The fertility of soil varies according to regions, thereby determining the type of crops to be planted. However, there is no repository or any source of information about the fertility of the soil in any region in Nigeria especially the Northwest of the country. The only available information is soil samples with their attributes which gives little or no information to the average farmer. This has affected crop yield in all the regions, more particularly the Northwest region, thus resulting in lower food production.  Therefore, this study is aimed at classifying soil data based on their fertility in the Northwest region of Nigeria using R programming. Data were obtained from the department of soil science from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. The data contain 400 soil samples containing 13 attributes. The relationship between soil attributes was observed based on the data. K-means clustering algorithm was employed in analyzing soil fertility clusters. Four clusters were identified with cluster 1 having the highest fertility, followed by 2 and the fertility decreases with an increasing number of clusters. The identification of the most fertile clusters will guide farmers on where best to concentrate on when planting their crops in order to improve productivity and crop yield.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 226
Author(s):  
Arik Dwijayanto ◽  
Yusmicha Ulya Afif

<p><em>This article explores the concept of a religious state proposed by two Muslim leaders: Hasyim Asyari (1871-1947), an Indonesian Muslim leader and Muhammad Iqbal (1873-1938), an Indian Muslim leader. Both of them represented the early generation when the emerging revolution for the independence of Indonesia (1945) from the Dutch colonialism and India-Pakistan (1947) from the British Imperialism. In doing so, they argued that the religious state is compatible with the plural nation that has diverse cultures, faiths, and ethnicities. They also argued that Islam as religion should involve the establishment of a nation-state. But under certain circumstances, they changed their thinking. Hasyim changed his thought that Islam in Indonesia should not be dominated by a single religion and state ideology. Hasyim regarded religiosity in Indonesia as vital in nation-building within a multi-religious society. While Iqbal changed from Indian loyalist to Islamist loyalist after he studied and lived in the West. The desire of Iqbal to establish the own state for the Indian Muslims separated from Hindus was first promulgated in 1930 when he was a President of the Muslim League. Iqbal expressed the hope of seeing Punjab, the North West province, Sind and Balukhistan being one in a single state, having self-government outside the British empire. In particular, the two Muslim leaders used religious legitimacy to establish political identity. By using historical approach (intellectual history), the relationship between religion, state, and nationalism based on the thinking of the two Muslim leaders can be concluded that Hasyim Asyari more prioritizes Islam as the ethical value to build state ideology and nationalism otherwise Muhammad Iqbal tends to make Islam as the main principle in establishment of state ideology and nationalism.</em></p><em>Keywords: Hasyim Asyari, Muhammad Iqbal, religion, state, nationalism.</em>


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria A. Ferrer-Perez ◽  
Andrés Sánchez-Prada ◽  
Carmen Delgado-Álvarez ◽  
Esperanza Bosch-Fiol

Abstract Attitudes play a central role in intimate partner violence against women and are related to its origin, to the responses of women who suffer violence, and to the settings where it occurs. In fact, these attitudes are recognized as one of the risk factors linked to violent perpetration and to public, professional, and victim responses to this type of violence. However, even though available research generally shows a broad rejection of this violence, it remains a serious social and health problem that has reached epidemic proportions. This suggests that the information available about these attitudes (obtained through explicit and direct measures, i.e., self-reports) may be distorted or influenced by factors such as social desirability. In this context, the overall objective of our research project is to provide multi-method measures (explicit and implicit) of attitudes toward intimate partner violence against women, and the main goal of this paper is to propose an instrument for the implicit measurement of these attitudes. In this regard, the Implicit Association Test (IAT) is the most common procedure used, providing a superior predictive validity compared to explicit measures for socially sensitive topics. We will present an exploratory study that describes its adaptation for our purposes, and the development of the Gender Violence - Implicit Association Test (GV-IAT) to use among Spanish-speaking populations, and discuss the strengths and limitations of this proposal.


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