Social movement Europeanisation and far-right collective action, coalition-building, and frames

2022 ◽  
pp. 28-54
Author(s):  
Anita Nissen
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Far Right

scholarly journals From invention to industry from a social movement perspective: the emergence of the 3D printing industry

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Lechner ◽  
Abeer Pervaiz
Keyword(s):  
3D Printing ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
New Ventures ◽  
Printing Industry ◽  
Longitudinal Case Study ◽  
Institutional Perspective ◽  
Industry Emergence ◽  
Entrepreneurial Action ◽  
Emergence Phase

Abstract In the entrepreneurship literature, the phenomenon of industry emergence has been largely investigated from an institutional perspective. Appropriate institutions would allow then a group of individual entrepreneurs (“the heroes”) to create an industry through innovative ventures. New ventures create new industries and firm entry, survival, and exit drive industry evolution. Our research, however, explores what creates the favorable set of circumstances for new ventures to emerge and focuses on the pre-emergence phase and we propose that the patterns of emergence resemble those of social movements. Through an actor perspective, this research highlights the existence of diverse actors, not necessarily entrepreneurs, who are necessary to trigger a collective action during the pre-emergence phase of industries. This research is also distinct from entrepreneurial ecosystems as its development already requires some successful entrepreneurial action. The 3D printing industry was chosen as a single longitudinal case study, where the actors are the embedded units of analysis. The findings of the study lead to the identification of three aggregate dimensions—“Social Movement Composition,” Temporal Engagement,” and “Coalitions Development”—that were prevalent during the pre-emergence phase of the 3D printing industry. Our propositions emphasize the importance of large collective action and the role of multiple actors in order to create the conditions for, first, firm emergence and, the second, to the process of industry emergence.

We are “the Resistance”: Predictors and consequences of self-categorization into the emerging movement to oppose Trump

2020 ◽  
pp. 136843022097475
Author(s):  
Samuel Hansen Freel ◽  
Rezarta Bilali ◽  
Erin Brooke Godfrey
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Longitudinal Study ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Efficacy Beliefs ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Identity Consolidation

In a three-wave longitudinal study conducted in the first 100 days of Trump’s presidency, this paper examines how people come to self-categorize into the emerging social movement “the Resistance,” and how self-categorization into this movement influences future participation in collective action and perceptions of the movement’s efficacy. Conventional collective action (e.g., protest, lobby legislators)—but not persuasive collective action (e.g., posting on social media)—and perceived identity consolidation efficacy of the movement at Wave 1 predicted a higher likelihood of self-categorization into the movement 1 month later (Wave 2) and 2 months later (Wave 3). Self-categorization into the Resistance predicted two types of higher subsequent movement efficacy perceptions, and helped sustain the effects of conventional collective action and movement efficacy beliefs at Wave 1 on efficacy beliefs at Wave 3. Implications for theory and future research on emerging social movements are discussed.

Reinventing the Concept of Civic Culture

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Lichterman
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Voluntary Associations ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
Social Movement Organizations ◽  
Alternative Approach ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
Movement Organizations

This article proposes a new and better concept of civic culture and shows how it can benefit sociology. It argues that a better concept of civic culture gives us a stronger, comparative, and contextual perspective on voluntary associations—the conventional American empirical referent for “civic”—while also improving our sociologies of religion and social movements. The article first considers the classic perspective on civic culture and its current incarnations in order to show why we need better conceptual groundwork than they have offered. It then introduces the alternative approach, which is rooted in a pragmatist understanding of collective action and both builds on and departs in some ways from newly prominent understandings of culture in sociology. This approach’s virtues are illustrated with ethnographic examples from a variety of volunteer groups, social movement organizations, and religious associations.

Medicines at Standing Rock: Stories of Native Healing through Survivance

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 59-78
Author(s):  
Selma Hedlund
Keyword(s):  
Drinking Water ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
North Dakota ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Indian Country ◽  
Indigenous Lands ◽  
Clean Drinking Water

In 2016, a historically large gathering of Indigenous peoples, tribal nations, and allies took place at the Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota, in response to the proposed construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL). Under the assertion of Mni Wičoni (Water Is Life), a social movement emerged with the purpose of protecting clean drinking water and Indigenous lands. Drawing on Gerald Vizenor’s theoretical framework that emphasizes storytelling and active presence over settler resistance, this study argues that Indigenous water protectors’ collective action in the movement, as well as their stories and remembrance of Standing Rock, are acts of survivance, in which they are able to denounce othering and challenge the colonizer’s gaze. While water is often described as a first medicine by Indigenous peoples, the water protectors’ stories in this essay suggest that the movement itself represented another remedy as well. Specifically, this movement represents a pivotal moment of cultural revitalization and community across what participants refer to as “Indian country,” in which individuals are able to engage in large scale grassroots decolonizing praxis rooted in spirituality and ceremony, and suspend genocidal traps of victimry that they have long battled.

What Social Identities Can Tell Us about Violence in Social Movements, and Vice Versa

Contention ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-148
Author(s):  
Andrew G. Livingstone
Keyword(s):  
Social Psychology ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Identities ◽  
The Other ◽  
Physical Force ◽  
Working Definition ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Consequences Of Violence ◽  
Blind Spots

AK Thompson’s “Ten Theses” is a timely and compelling piece. It challenges collective action scholars to address the nature, bases, and consequences of violence and physical force in a manner that does not position these as anomalous or outside the bounds of “normal” or “normative” action (a tendency that sees violence and physical force more regularly addressed on the other side of soft academic borders, such as that separating social movement and protest scholars from scholars of “terrorism”). I want to address this challenge here by reflecting on what my “home” discipline of social psychology can offer in terms of insights, and (more importantly) what blind spots and limitations remain. For convenience, I adopt a rather conventional and narrow working definition of “violence” as involving physical force, rather than a broader (but equally valid) definition that encompasses any act (including speech) that can cause hurt or harm.

The Puzzle of Organizing Collective Action

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Marina E. Henke
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Institutional Theory ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
International Security ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Threat Perceptions ◽  
Cooperative Equilibrium ◽  
To Come ◽  
The One

This introductory chapter discusses the importance of studying the process of coalition building. The puzzle of collective mobilization lies at the root of all politics. Studying the construction of multilateral military coalitions trains this puzzle on the context of international security—the one area of international cooperation that has traditionally been perceived as the most difficult to sustain a cooperative equilibrium. Moreover, the specific techniques used to build multilateral military coalitions affect how wars are fought. On the battlefield, coalition operations are supposedly more successful than non-coalition endeavors. Multilateral coalition building also affects the prospect for peace. Most peacekeeping deployments today are coalition endeavors, and research suggests that the stronger their participants, particularly in terms of personnel numbers and equipment, the more effective the missions are likely to be. Finally, coalitions unleash important socialization dynamics among participating states. They create common battle experiences and shape threat perceptions, military doctrine, and strategy for years to come. Sometimes, participation in a coalition can radically change a country's political trajectory. Thus, this book uses a social-institutional theory and evidence from over eighty multilateral military coalitions to explain coalition-building practices.

Political Invisibility and Migrants’ Networked Governance Strategies in Ecuador

2021 ◽  
pp. 183-226
Author(s):  
Jeffrey D. Pugh
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Human Security ◽  
Host Population ◽  
Border Zone ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Networked Governance ◽  
Northern Border ◽  
Governance Strategies ◽  
Governance Network ◽  
Peace And Development

Chapter 7 illustrates how the invisibility bargain has shaped the opportunities and limitations constraining Colombian migrants in Ecuador, and how they have responded to pursue access to rights, resources, recognition, and protection. It shows that the strategies that migrants pursue most often are those that are individual and do not require collective action, but that the strategies that work are those that do not require overt claims made on the state that could invoke a backlash from the host population. Instead, informal brokering, indirect strategies, and coalition building were all associated with better access to the governance network, and as a result, better human security outcomes. The empirical cases of the 2008 constitution, Enhanced Registration, and the Interagency Program for Peace and Development in the northern border zone illustrate the mechanisms through which networked governance has improved migrant human security in Ecuador, as well as the limitations and risks.

Collective Action and Political Change: Public and Semipublic Strategies of Brazilian Rural Movements (1990s–2017)

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 113-130
Author(s):  
Priscila Delgado de Carvalho
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

A study of the Brazilian Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores during recent moments of regime change suggests two main strategies for understanding the impacts of political change on social movement action: assessing the degree of political proximity between activists and the government and the presence or absence of institutional venues for interaction and looking beyond the public expressions of contention to consider semipublic action. When there is political proximity the public activities of movements tend to be less contentious, and when there are institutional venues for interaction protests will be routinized rather than disruptive. When proximity is lacking activists are likely to perform disruptive protests and to give priority to disputing meanings within society and within their own constituencies. Um estudo do Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores do Brasil durante momentos recentes de mudança de regime sugere duas estratégias principais para entender os impactos das mudanças políticas na ação do movimento social: avaliar o grau de proximidade política entre ativistas e o governo e a presença ou ausência de espaços institucionais para interação e olhar além das expressões públicas de discórdia para considerar a ação semipública. Quando há proximidade política, as atividades públicas dos movimentos tendem a ser menos contenciosas e, quando existem canais institucionais para interação, tende-se a rotinas de protestos pouco disruptivos. Quando falta proximidade, é provável que os ativistas dêem prioridade a protestos disruptivos e a disputas de significados na sociedade e dentro de seus próprios quadros.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document