scholarly journals The COVID States Project #15: Public support for a fifth COVID-19 relief package

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Baum ◽  
Adina Gitomer ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
Hanyu Chwe ◽  
Roy H. Perlis ◽  
...  

To date, Congress has passed four COVID-19 relief packages totaling about $3 trillion, the most recent of which, the CARES Act, was passed on March 27th, 2020. The House of Representatives subsequently passed the $3 trillion Heroes Act on May 15th. The Senate has yet to take up the legislation or pass a fifth bill of its own. Throughout the summer, the House, Senate, and White House have engaged in on-again, off-again talks aimed at agreeing on a fifth relief package. The Senate has consistently favored a smaller bill, ranging from $500 billion to $1 trillion. Most recently, the House introduced a revised bill valued at about $2.2 trillion. The White House, represented by Steven Mnuchin, along with the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, have resumed negotiations over the shape of the package.While both sides claim to support such a package, they disagree not only on the amount, but also on the targets for this funding. Democrats favor a combination of direct payments to Americans, extended unemployment insurance, and aid to hospitals, schools, small businesses, the Post Office, and state and local governments. Republicans oppose aid to state and local governments and favor more limited unemployment insurance benefits.But what does the public think? We surveyed 20,315 respondents between September 4-27, 2020 on attitudes regarding the next COVID-19 relief bill. We asked respondents if they supported such a bill, as well as the types of relief they believed it should include. We also probed whether or not they had received the $300-$400 supplemental unemployment benefit authorized by President Trump’s executive order of August 5th.

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 207-235
Author(s):  
Jayeon Lindellee

Abstract The public unemployment insurance program in Sweden has retrenched in terms of its benefit generosity in the last three decades. As a response to this trend, in which an ever-smaller proportion of the previous income of unemployed persons is compensated by public unemployment insurance benefit, complementary income insurance schemes provided by unions have expanded rapidly in the last 15 years, currently covering one half of the working population. What does this change mean for people who need income protection upon unemployment and are more likely to find themselves unemployed or underemployed? By analyzing survey-based benefit recipiency data among retail workers who were unemployed in 2014, this article explores the outcomes of the multi-pillarized unemployment benefit provision system in Sweden. While public unemployment insurance benefit does not fully compensate for the income loss for the majority of retail workers, the promise of a complementary income insurance scheme seems to be illusory for many individuals as they repeatedly oscillate between precarious work and benefits, accompanied by the burden of navigating a complex system.


Author(s):  
Robert L. Clark ◽  
Janet Raye Cowell

This chapter reviews available data on the annuity choices offered to retirees who participate in defined benefit (DB) plans. DB plans are most commonly offered by state and local governments to their employees, and information on annuity options is readily available. The authors examine all state pension plans that cover general state employees and teachers, and develop a table showing the similarities and differences across these approximately eighty separate state retirement plans. The authors determine the proportion of retirees selecting each of the annuity options. Where possible, annuity options in the public sector are compared to those offered by private sector employers. The chapter also reviews the empirical literature on who chooses the various annuity options offered in DB plans. Finally, the authors consider the policy implications of plan design and how this affects the types of annuities offered to retirees.


2021 ◽  
pp. 104420732110369
Author(s):  
Peter Blanck

This article offers a glimpse of the Americans with Disabilities Act (“ADA”) of 1990, as amended by the ADA Amendments Act of 2008 (“ADAAA”), at its 30th anniversary. It considers current issues before the courts, primarily legal cases from 2020 and 2021, and new questions in light of the COVID-19 pandemic, such the latitude of the ADA’s antidiscrimination protections and its definition of disability. It provides a quick primer on the basics of the ADA: employment discrimination under Title I, antidiscrimination mandates for state and local governments under Title II, and commands to places of accommodation offering services to the public under Title III. The ADA at 30 remains a beacon for a future in which all people, regardless of individual difference, will be welcomed as full and equal members of society.


1987 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 230-235
Author(s):  
Louis Galambos

In the past century the American political system has changed in dramatic ways. A new national state has been created, and a substantial part of the nation's goods and services has been entrusted to its care. New administrative agencies allocate most of those resources, working in tandem with a multitude of private and other public organizations. Complex webs of fiscal interaction tie state and local governments—themselves greatly enlarged—to the nation state. All these public bodies are surrounded by and closely allied with formidable interest groups, with political action committees, with business corporations and foundations, and with various professional organizations. Swirling about this great governmental mass in recent years are the consultants, lawyers, and technicians who slip in and out of the public sector as administrations change or their careers dictate; these policy professionals, wherever they land, make use of their special knowledge and contacts in particular areas of public activity.


Author(s):  
Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha

Presidential persuasion is a central feature of presidential power and leadership. Although originally conceived of as essential for bargaining with and influencing Congress and later the bureaucracy, the rise of television and polling science—along with the constraints imposed by legislative gridlock and divided government—afforded presidents regular opportunities to appeal to the public to achieve their policy goals. Despite some scholarly allegations that presidents should persuade the public, the White House’s own expectations that presidents can do so, and the extent to which the modern White House polls and attempts to influence news coverage and public opinion, the predominant conclusion of the literature is that presidential persuasion is unlikely to change public opinion. Even evidence that supports presidential persuasion may be marginal, mixed, time bound, or vary by domestic and foreign policy. At times, presidents may not be able to lead public opinion because they have responded to it. And even the act of speaking, as expressed by scholars of the rhetorical presidency, may puff up unrealistic expectations for the occupant of the office. Nevertheless, presidents may be able to influence the public’s agenda on issues not previously salient to the American people, prime favorable aspects of their policies through speechmaking, and act strategically to parlay existing public support into legislative victories.


Subject The debate on new rules authorising the use of military force. Significance When senators return from the summer recess, they will have to consider the 2018 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) passed by the House of Representatives on July 14. This NDAA, the annual spending plan for the US military, drew controversy because of a bipartisan amendment that would have repealed the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF), the legal basis for military action in the US global counterterrorism campaign. The amendment was blocked by the speaker of the House, Paul Ryan. Impacts Erratic White House policymaking will spark congressional initiatives to reassert the legislature’s authority. Congressional oversight of the armed drone programme will defer to the executive branch. Trump’s North Korea threats are generating additional scrutiny of the president’s absolute authority to order a nuclear attack.


Author(s):  
H. Druke

Implementing e-government in local, regional, or central administration represents a far-reaching modernisation of governing the public affairs. Therefore, in training it is not sufficient to train users in new programs as in the case of f.i. further training in a new office application. To understand and actively influence the restructuring that, by necessity, goes along with the introduction of e-government a broader approach in e-skilling is needed. For Grabow, Drüke, H., and Siegfried (2002), e-skilling is one of the ten factors for success in local e-government. Schelin (2004) goes into the same direction when she points out: “With the era of digital government upon us, Federal, state, and local governments need to prepare their elected officials and employees to handle the multitude of changes incorporated into digital government. However, the lack of training opportunities, as well as the lack of research dedicated to training for digital government, is ominous for successful digital government endeavour ...” (Schelin, 2004, p. 273). Whereas Schelin in this encyclopaedia, presents the content and methods of an advanced training module this contribution focuses on the competencies that are required to enable the different user groups to be up-to-date for the new challenges that are ahead of them. In accordance to that approach in the first chapter the basic challenges that different user groups have to face when being confronted with e-government as a comprehensive modernisation concept.


Author(s):  
Albert J. Figone

This chapter reviews further basketball scandals from the 1980s and 1990s. As the professionalization and commercialization of college sports continued, gambling became increasingly accepted among college students. Since wagering on college sports was illegal in all states except Nevada, shady bookmakers reaped immense sums from the public's interest in betting on college football and basketball. By the early 1980s, the NCAA relied on the federal, state, and local governments to enforce and prosecute gambling-related crimes because the association, along with the conferences and colleges' athletic establishments, found it impossible to prevent game fixing. Most coaches had convinced the public that it was impossible to detect the rigging of basketball games, a viewpoint that only encouraged anyone wanting to fix games. A new generation of college student gamblers on sports would contribute to the decades-old scourge of game rigging, leading once again to federal and state investigations and prosecutions.


1994 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 550-560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sigman L. Splichal ◽  
Bill F. Chamberlin

Federal, state, and local governments are converting public records to computer formats at a rapid pace, creating novel issues with respect to public access. Record requesters are finding access laws, written when most documents were on paper and stored in file cabinets, inadequate when applied to requests for records held in government computers. As a result, requesters have turned to the courts to define the contours of public access in the computer age. Several court cases suggest government agencies are using the fact information is in a computer as an excuse to withhold records. This paper underlines the need to rewrite access laws to acknowledge the pervasive role of computers in government. It proposes a fifteen-point approach to computerized information to help guide the public and media in their quest to ensure computers are used to enhance public access, not undermine it.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azham Md. Ali ◽  
Ram Al Jaffri Saad, Aryati Juliana Suleman, Ahmad Zamil Abd Khalid ◽  
Juergen Dieter Gloeck

This paper is part of the third and final study conducted on the state of internal audit in the public sector of Malaysia. The first study was concerned with the internal audit operations in the state and local governments found in  Peninsular Malaysia (Azham et al 2007a), while the second study was concerned with internal audit in the nation’s federal government ministries, departments and agencies (Azham et al 2007b). This third study covers 47 organizations at the federal government level, comprising 27 statutory bodies and 20 government-linked companies. From the face-to-face interviews conducted with internal auditors over the three year period 2005 to 2007, several notable audit features emerged as common to all 47 organizations. Some are depressing, while a few others are encouraging. All in all, however, the internal audit function in a majority of the organizations still leaves much to be desired. Also, it is notable that these findings are very much like those of the previous two internal audit studies (Azham et al 2007a; 2007b), and to make sense of the dismal state of the internal audit function in the public organizations, there is perhaps a need to look at the bigger context within which the internal audit function is found.


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