Does the Linguistic Expectancy Bias Extend to a Second Language?

The linguistic expectancy bias (LEB) reflects the tendency to describe expectancy-consistent behavior more abstractly than expectancy-inconsistent. The current studies replicate the LEB in Portuguese and examine it in a second language (English). Earlier studies found differences in processing a first language (L1) and a second language (L2) shaping affective and cognitive processes. We did not expect these differences to shape the LEB because controlled lexical decisions (e.g., use of verbs and adjectives) are unlikely, even when using L2. Participants wrote stereotypically male or female behavioral descriptions for male and female targets. A new group of participants read those descriptions and was asked about their causes. Expectancy-consistent behavior was described more abstractly and shaped more dispositional inferences in L1 and L2. Aside from replicating the LEB in a different language, these studies indicate that structural features of language preserve a linguistic bias with implications for social perception even when using a second language.

On non-adjacent letter repetition and orthographic processing: Lexical decisions to nonwords created by repeating or inserting letters in words

Informal observation suggests that it is harder to notice the spelling mistake in “silencne” than “silencre.” This concurs with current evidence that non-adjacent letter repetition in correctly spelled words makes these words harder to recognize. One possible explanation is provided by open-bigram coding. Words containing repeated letters are harder to recognize because they are represented by fewer bigrams than words without repeated letters. Building on this particular explanation for letter-repetition effects in words, we predicted that nonwords in a lexical decision task should also be sensitive to letter repetitions. In particular, we examined two types of nonwords generated from the same baseword: (1) nonwords created by repeating one of the letters in the baseword (e.g., silence => silencne); and (2) nonwords created by inserting a letter that is not present in the baseword (e.g., silencre). According to open-bigram coding, nonwords created by repeating a letter are more similar to their baseword than nonwords created by inserting a letter, and this should make it harder to reject letter repetition nonwords than letter insertion nonwords. We put these predictions to test in one on-line pilot study (n=31), one laboratory experiment (n=36), and one follow-up on-line experiment (n=40) where we manipulated the distance between repetitions (one, two, three, or four letters). Participants found it harder to reject repetition nonwords than insertion nonwords, and this effect diminished with increasing distance.

Trying to make it work: Compositional effects in the processing of compound “nonwords”

Speakers of languages with synchronically productive compounding systems, such as English, are likely to encounter new compounds on a daily basis. These can only be useful for communication if speakers are able to rapidly compose their meanings. However, while compositional meanings can be obtained for some novel compounds such as bridgemill, this is far harder for others such as radiosauce; accordingly, processing speed should be affected by the ease of such a compositional process. To rigorously test this hypothesis, we employed a fully implemented computational model based on distributional semantics to quantitatively measure the degree of semantic compositionality of novel compounds. In two large-scale studies, we collected timed sensibility judgements and lexical decisions for hundreds of morphologically structured nonwords in English. Response times were predicted by the constituents’ semantic contribution to the compositional process, with slower rejections for more compositional nonwords. We found no indication of a difference in these compositional effects between the tasks, suggesting that speakers automatically engage in a compositional process whenever they encounter morphologically structured stimuli, even when it is not required by the task at hand. Such compositional effects in the processing of novel compounds have important implications for studies that employ such stimuli as filler material or “nonwords,” as response times for these items can differ greatly depending on their compositionality.

Aufhören (‘stop’) activates hören (‘hear’) but not Musik (‘music’)

This study examines whether the lexical processing of German particle verbs differs from their processing in a semantic network. To this end, we explored whether the processing of particle verbs induces access to the stem (Experiment 1) and to a semantic associate of the stem (Experiment 2). In two cross-modal priming experiments, participants listened to particle verbs that were (a) semantically transparent (e.g. anhören, ‘listen to’), (b) semantically opaque (e.g. aufhören, ‘stop’), or (c) form-related (e.g. aushöhlen, ‘mold’) with respect to their stem (e.g., hören, ‘hear’). Participants made lexical decisions about visually presented stems (e.g., hören, ‘hear’) and about semantic associates to the stem (e.g., Musik, ‘music’) in Experiments 1 and 2, respectively. Relative to form controls, semantically transparent and opaque particle verbs induced equivalent stem priming (Experiment 1), indicating that the lexical processing of particle verbs occurs via the stem regardless of semantic transparency. However, neither semantically transparent nor opaque particle verbs primed semantic associates of the stem (Experiment 2). These findings indicate that stem access during lexical processing does not extend to a semantic level where the meaning of the stem is processed. We discuss these findings regarding present models of lexical processing.

Trying to make it work: Compositional effects in the processing of compound "nonwords"

Speakers of languages with synchronically productive compounding systems, such as English, are likely to encounter new compounds on a daily basis. These can only be useful for communication if speakers are able to rapidly compose their meanings. However, while compositional meanings can be obtained for some novel compounds such as "bridgemill", this is far harder for others such as "radiosauce"; accordingly, processing speed should be affected by the ease of such a compositional process. To rigorously test this hypothesis, we employed a fully implemented computational model based on distributional semantics to quantitatively measure the degree of semantic compositionality of novel compounds. In two large-scale studies, we collected timed sensibility judgments and lexical decisions for hundreds of morphologically-structured nonwords in English. Response times were predicted by the constituents' semantic contribution to the compositional process, with slower rejections for more compositional nonwords. We found no indication of a difference in these compositional effects between the tasks, suggesting that speakers automatically engage in a compositional process whenever they encounter morphologically-structured stimuli, even when it is not required by the task at hand. Such compositional effects in the processing of novel compounds have important implications for studies that employ such stimuli as filler material or "nonwords", since response times for these items can differ greatly depending on their compositionality.

Phonological decoding or direct access? Regularity effects in lexical decisions of Grade 3 and 4 children

Learning to read fluently involves moving from an effortful phonological decoding strategy to automatic recognition of familiar words. However, little is known about the timing of this transition, or the extent to which children continue to be influenced by phonological factors when recognizing words even as they progress in reading. We explored this question by examining regularity effects in a lexical decision task, as opposed to the more traditionally used reading-aloud task. Children in Grades 3 and 4 made go/no-go lexical decisions on high- and low-frequency regular and irregular words that had been matched for consistency. The children showed regularity effects in their accuracy for low-frequency words, indicating that they were using phonological decoding strategies to recognize unfamiliar words. The size of this effect was correlated with measures of reading ability. However, we found no regularity effects on accuracy for high-frequency words or on response times for either word type, suggesting that even 8-year-old children are already relying predominantly on a direct lexical strategy in their silent reading of familiar words.

Antecedent access mechanisms in pronoun processing: evidence from the N400

Previous cross-modal priming studies showed that lexical decisions to words after a pronoun were facilitated when these words were semantically related to the pronoun's antecedent. These studies suggested that semantic priming effectively measured antecedent retrieval during coreference. We examined whether these effects extended to implicit reading comprehension using the N400 response. The results of three experiments did not yield strong evidence of semantic facilitation due to coreference. Further, the comparison with two additional experiments showed that N400 facilitation effects were reduced in sentences (vs. word pair paradigms) and were modulated by the case morphology of the prime word. We propose that priming effects in cross-modal experiments may have resulted from task-related strategies. More generally, the impact of sentence context and morphological information on semantic facilitation effects suggests that they may depend on the extent to which the upcoming input is predicted, rather than automatic spreading activation between semantically related words.

Attentional modulation of orthographic neighborhood effects during reading: Evidence from event-related brain potentials in a psychological refractory period paradigm

It is often assumed that word reading proceeds automatically. Here, we tested this assumption by recording event-related potentials during a psychological refractory period (PRP) paradigm, requiring lexical decisions about written words. Specifically, we selected words differing in their orthographic neighborhood size – the number of words that can be obtained from a target by exchanging a single letter – and investigated how influences of this variable depend on the availability of central attention. As expected, when attentional resources for lexical decisions were unconstrained, words with many orthographic neighbors elicited larger N400 amplitudes than those with few neighbors. However, under conditions of high temporal overlap with a high priority primary task, the N400 effect disappeared. This finding indicates strong attentional influences on the incidental processing of orthographic neighbors during word reading, providing novel evidence against the automaticity of processes involved in word reading. Furthermore, in conjunction with the observation of an underadditive interaction between stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) and orthographic neighborhood size in lexical decision performance, commonly taken to indicate automaticity, our results raise issues concerning the standard logic of cognitive slack in the PRP paradigm.