Diferentes interpretaciones sobre el katarismo. Discusiones desde una perspectiva indianista

Different Interpretations about Katarismo. Discussions from an Indianist PerspectiveResumenKatarismo e indianismo son dos expresiones políticas indias que emergen en Bolivia a principios de la década del '60 (indianismo) y del '70 (katarismo). Su peculiaridad consiste en que se constituyen como dos corrientes políticas creadas específicamente por indios aymaras y quechuas –con mayor participación de los primeros respecto de los segundos–. Son varios los autores que coinciden en afirmar que el surgimiento de ambas corrientes se encuentra vinculado a un proceso de resistencia y lucha india, cuyo origen data de la dominación colonial y se extiende hasta la actualidad (Mamani, 2017; Mamani y Cruz, 2011; Portugal y Macusaya, 2016; Reinaga, 2012[1970a]; Velásquez, 2016).Las interpretaciones del katarismo relacionadas a la figura del líder indio Tupak Katari, son las más numerosas y conocidas. Sin embargo, esto no significa que haya claridad a la hora de distinguir entre las diferentes perspectivas ideológico-políticas que asumen el nombre de Katari como referente de lucha. Por este motivo, propongo dialogar con algunas perspectivas que estudian el katarismo, con el fin de mostrar la diversidad de interpretaciones difundidas sobre esta corriente.El objetivo de esta investigación apunta a analizar, desde una perspectiva crítica, algunas interpretaciones históricas sobre el katarismo que tienden a encubrir o invisibilizar la influencia del indianismo dentro del proceso político del katarismo. En este sentido, considero importante indicar que realizaré un abordaje de la temática propuesta desde una perspectiva indianista.AbstractKatarism and Indianism are two Indian political expressions that emerge in Bolivia at the beginning of the 1960s (Indianism) and the 70s (Katarism). Its peculiarity is that they are constituted as two political currents created specifically by Aymara and Quechua Indians -with more participation of the first ones than the second ones-. There are several authors who agree that the emergence of both traditions is related to a process of Indian resistance and struggle, whose origin dates from colonial domination and extends to the present (Mamani 2017, Mamani and Cruz, 2011; Portugal and Macusaya, 2016; Reinaga, 2012[1970a]; Velásquez, 2016).The intepretations of Katarism related to the indian leader Tupak Katari figure, are the most numerous and known. However, this doesn‟t mean that there is clarity when it comes to distinguish between the different ideological-political perspectives that assume the name of Katari as a reference of fight. For this reason, I propose to dialogue with some perspectives that study katarism, in order to show the diversity of interpretations spread about this tradition.The objective of this research aims to analyse, from a critical perspective, some historical interpretations about Katarism that tend to cover up or hide the influence of Indianism within the political process of Katarism. In this way, I believe it‟s important to indicate that I will approach the proposed topic from an Indianist perspective.Key words: Katarism, Indianism, Indian political thought.

Comparison of effects of breast-feeding practices on birth-spacing in three societies: nomadic Turkana, Gainj, and Quechua

SummaryVariation in the duration and pattern of breast-feeding contributes significantly to inter-population differences in fertility. In this paper, measures of suckling frequency and intensity are used to compare the effects of breastfeeding practices on the duration of lactational amenorrhoea, and on the length of the birth interval in three prospective studies undertaken during the 1980s, among Quechua Indians of Peru, Turkana nomads of Kenya, and Gainj of Papua New Guinea.In all three societies, lactation is prolonged well into the second year postpartum, and frequent, on-demand breast-feeding is the norm. However, the duration of lactational amenorrhoea and the length of birth intervals vary considerably. Breast-feeding patterns among Gainj and Turkana are similar, but Turkana women resume menses some 3 months earlier than do the Gainj. The average birth interval among the Gainj exceeds that of nomadic Turkana by over 15 months. Suckling activity decreases significantly with increasing age of nurslings among both Gainj and Quechua, but not among Turkana. Earlier resumption of menses among Turkana women may be linked to the unpredictable demands of the pastoral system, which increase day-to-day variation in the number of periods of on-demand breast-feeding, although not in suckling patterns. This effect is independent of the age of infants.The short birth intervals of Turkana women, relative to those of the Gainj, may be related to early supplementation of Turkana nurslings with butterfat and animals' milk, which reduces energetic demands on lactating women at risk of negative energy balance.

Cardiovascular adaptations in Andean natives after 6 wk of exposure to sea level

Six male Quechua Indians (34.0 +/- 1.1 yr, 159.5 +/- 2.1 cm, 60.5 +/- 1.6 kg), life-long residents of La Raya, Peru (4,350-m altitude with an average barometric pressure of 460 Torr), were studied using noninvasive methods to determine the structural and functional changes in the cardiovascular system in response to a 6-wk deacclimation period at sea level. Cardiac output, stroke volume, and left ventricular ejection fractions were determined using radionuclide angiographic techniques at rest and during exercise on a cycle ergometer at 40, 60, and 90% of a previously determined maximal O2 consumption. Subjects at rest were subjected to two-dimensional and M-mode echocardiograms and a standard 12-lead electrocardiogram. Hemoglobin and hematocrit were measured on arrival at sea level by use of a Coulter Stacker S+ analyzer. After a 6-wk deacclimation period, all variables were remeasured using the identical methodology. Hemoglobin values decreased significantly over the deacclimation period (15.7 +/- 1.1 to 13.5 +/- 1.2 g/dl; P less than 0.01). The results indicate that the removal of these high-altitude-adapted natives from 4,300 m to sea level for 6 wk results in only minor changes to the cardiac structure and function as measured by these noninvasive techniques.

Different hematologic responses to hypoxia in Sherpas and Quechua Indians

Previous studies of the erythropoietic response to hypoxia in high-altitude natives suggest that the hematocrit and hemoglobin values in Himalayan natives (Sherpas) are lower than expected for the altitude, perhaps because of a genetic adaptation. However, differences in sampling techniques and experimental methods make comparisons difficult. Our studies were carried out to compare the erythropoietic response with the same altitude in age-matched natives of the Himalayas and Andes by the same experimental techniques. Healthy male subjects were selected in Ollague, Chile (n = 29, 27.3 +/- 5.9 yr) and in Khunde, Nepal (n = 30, 24.7 +/- 3.8 yr). Both of these villages are located at 3,700 m above sea level. Hematologic measurements confirmed lower hematocrit values in Nepal (48.4 +/- 4.5%) than in Chile (52.2 +/- 4.6%) (P less than 0.003). When subjects were matched for hematocrit, erythropoietin concentrations in Chile were higher than in Nepal (P less than 0.01). Detailed measurements of blood O2 affinity in Nepal showed no differences in shape or position of the O2 equilibrium curve between Sherpas and Western sojourners. Our results indicate that although Quechua Indians have higher hematocrits than Sherpas living at the same altitude, nevertheless they may be functionally anemic.