scholarly journals Diferentes interpretaciones sobre el katarismo. Discusiones desde una perspectiva indianista

Pelícano ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 044
Author(s):  
Valeria Duran
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Perspective ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Quechua Indians ◽  
Cover Up

Different Interpretations about Katarismo. Discussions from an Indianist PerspectiveResumenKatarismo e indianismo son dos expresiones políticas indias que emergen en Bolivia a principios de la década del '60 (indianismo) y del '70 (katarismo). Su peculiaridad consiste en que se constituyen como dos corrientes políticas creadas específicamente por indios aymaras y quechuas –con mayor participación de los primeros respecto de los segundos–. Son varios los autores que coinciden en afirmar que el surgimiento de ambas corrientes se encuentra vinculado a un proceso de resistencia y lucha india, cuyo origen data de la dominación colonial y se extiende hasta la actualidad (Mamani, 2017; Mamani y Cruz, 2011; Portugal y Macusaya, 2016; Reinaga, 2012[1970a]; Velásquez, 2016).Las interpretaciones del katarismo relacionadas a la figura del líder indio Tupak Katari, son las más numerosas y conocidas. Sin embargo, esto no significa que haya claridad a la hora de distinguir entre las diferentes perspectivas ideológico-políticas que asumen el nombre de Katari como referente de lucha. Por este motivo, propongo dialogar con algunas perspectivas que estudian el katarismo, con el fin de mostrar la diversidad de interpretaciones difundidas sobre esta corriente.El objetivo de esta investigación apunta a analizar, desde una perspectiva crítica, algunas interpretaciones históricas sobre el katarismo que tienden a encubrir o invisibilizar la influencia del indianismo dentro del proceso político del katarismo. En este sentido, considero importante indicar que realizaré un abordaje de la temática propuesta desde una perspectiva indianista.AbstractKatarism and Indianism are two Indian political expressions that emerge in Bolivia at the beginning of the 1960s (Indianism) and the 70s (Katarism). Its peculiarity is that they are constituted as two political currents created specifically by Aymara and Quechua Indians -with more participation of the first ones than the second ones-. There are several authors who agree that the emergence of both traditions is related to a process of Indian resistance and struggle, whose origin dates from colonial domination and extends to the present (Mamani 2017, Mamani and Cruz, 2011; Portugal and Macusaya, 2016; Reinaga, 2012[1970a]; Velásquez, 2016).The intepretations of Katarism related to the indian leader Tupak Katari figure, are the most numerous and known. However, this doesn‟t mean that there is clarity when it comes to distinguish between the different ideological-political perspectives that assume the name of Katari as a reference of fight. For this reason, I propose to dialogue with some perspectives that study katarism, in order to show the diversity of interpretations spread about this tradition.The objective of this research aims to analyse, from a critical perspective, some historical interpretations about Katarism that tend to cover up or hide the influence of Indianism within the political process of Katarism. In this way, I believe it‟s important to indicate that I will approach the proposed topic from an Indianist perspective.Key words: Katarism, Indianism, Indian political thought.

Language Movement and Civil War in West Africa

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ericka A. Albaugh
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sierra Leone ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Language Spread ◽  
The 1960S

This chapter examines how civil war can influence the spread of language. Specifically, it takes Sierra Leone as a case study to demonstrate how Krio grew from being primarily a language of urban areas in the 1960s to one spoken by most of the population in the 2000s. While some of this was due to “normal” factors such as population movement and growing urbanization, the civil war from 1991 to 2002 certainly catalyzed the process of language spread in the 1990s. Using census documents and surveys, the chapter tests the hypothesis at the national, regional, and individual levels. The spread of a language has political consequences, as it allows for citizen participation in the political process. It is an example of political scientists’ approach to uncovering the mechanisms for and evidence of language movement in Africa.

The Curious Origins of Airline Deregulation: Economic Deregulation and the American Left

2019 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 729-753 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reuel Schiller
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
New Left ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Regulatory Policies ◽  
Airline Deregulation ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Political Right ◽  
American Left

This article examines the politics of airline deregulation in the 1970s, and the events that led to the passage of the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978. It links the antibureaucratic, antiregulatory policies of the 1970s to ideas closely connected to the New Left, the counterculture, and other left-wing subcultures that dominated high and low thought in the 1960s. By linking this source of antibureaucratic sentiment to the politics of airline deregulation, this article suggests a new direction for historians who study the American state in the last decades of the twentieth century. As they focus their attention on the rise of market-based, neoliberal regulatory policies, they should look for their origins not only in the growing strength of the intellectual and political right, but also in the political thought and practice of the 1960s left.

scholarly journals Sur la soumission au pouvoir. Convergences et differences entre le Discours de la servitude volontaire d’Etienne de La Boétie et la pensée politique de Paul Ricœur

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-139
Author(s):  
Pierre-Olivier Monteil
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Paul Ricoeur ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Concept ◽  
The People ◽  
Paul Ricœur ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Way

This study undertakes a reading of Etienne de La Boétie’s Discours de la servitude volontaire, endeavoring to bring to light the way it convergences with and diverges from the political thought of Paul Ricœur, around the central concept of the will. On the basis of the twin notions of “denaturation” and of “pathology,” a course unfolds which aims at helping establish the people, in comparison with the institution of the State, through a political process revitalised by friendship. But the two thinkers differ when it comes to the resources of the will. This is reflected in the notion of freedom, conceived as absolute in La Boetie, while Ricœur emphasizes its contingency, which leads him to thematize it in terms of capabilities.

scholarly journals "Islam" as the national identity for the formation of Pakistan: the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi

2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 317-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carimo Mohomed
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
Political Symbol ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Masses ◽  
First Time ◽  
Communal Organizations

In 1930, Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) devised for the first time the creation of a separate state for the Indian Muslims, for whom, according to him, the main formative force through History had been Islam. Although predicated upon secular ideologies, the Pakistan movement was able to mobilize the masses only by appealing to Islam. Nationalism became dependent on Islam and, as a result, politicized the faith. A number of Muslim religious and communal organizations pointed to the importance of promoting Muslim nationalism, political consciousness and communal interests. As the creation of Pakistan became more and more likely, Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi (1903-1979) increased his attacks on the Muslim League, objecting to the idea of Muslim nationalism because it would exclude Islam from India. The increasingly communal character of the Indian politics of the time, and the appeal made to religious symbols in the formulation of new political alliances and programmes by various Muslim groups as well as Muslim League leaders, created a climate in which Mawdudi's theological discourse found understanding and relevance. This paper, using especially the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi, analyses how Islam was used to justify a separate state for the Indian Muslims, and the impacts on and challengesto the political process and its evolution, at the same time that it concludes that "Islam", as a political symbol, can have many forms according to the ideas previously held by those who use it.

scholarly journals Intellectuals and political discourse of resistance (sketches of Russian culture)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Skiperskikh ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Culture ◽  
Soviet Culture ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government

In the article, the author shows how the government and the opposition interact in the political process. Actors representing opposition constantly produce political texts illustrating their alternative views. The existence of the opposition subject in a critical state in regards to the existing institutions of power is historically predetermined, which proves an active reflection from prominent theorists of political thought. A free dialogue of the government and the opposition is hardly possible in every single political system. In the case of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, this dialogue may be difficult. The consequences of free will for the subject of opposition can be quite severe. The author analyzes the political discourse of opposition as exemplified by the Soviet culture. The author is interested in the metaphors of opposition and their political context, which seems to be an inevitable condition and framework limiting creativity of one or another intellectual. The author studies a number of texts of the Soviet culture representatives, who used metaphors of opposition, and had a reputation of troublemakers. Such position of an intellectual generates sanctions of the repressive machine and predetermines very specific forms of presenting texts of opposition and apophasis. For convincing his own arguments, the author constantly turns to the heritage of the USSR representatives of unofficial culture in.

The Present State of the Study of Politics

1921 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles E. Merriam
Keyword(s):  
Present State ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Survey ◽  
Historical School ◽  
Original Plan ◽  
Comparative Government ◽  
Intimate Relations

The original plan of this paper included a general survey and critique of the leading tendencies in the study of politics during the last thirty or forty years. It was intended to compare the methods and results of the various types of political thought—to pass in review the historical school, the juridical school, the students of comparative government, the philosophers as such, the attitude of the economist, the contributions made by the geographer and the ethnologist, the work of the statisticians, and finally to deal with the psychological, the sociological, the biological interpretations of the political process.It would have been an interesting and perhaps a useful task to compare the scope and method of such thinkers as Jellinek, Gierke, Duguit, Dicey and Pound; the philosophies of Sorel and Dewey, of Ritchie and Russell, of Nietzsche and Tolstoi; to review the methods of Durkheim and Simmel, of Ward and Giddings and Small; of Cooley and Ross; and to discuss the developments seen in the writings of Wallas and Cole.It would have been useful possibly to extend the analysis to the outstanding features of the environment in which these ideas have flourished, and to their numerous and intimate relations and interrelations.

The Effects of Negative Advertising

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Conor M. Dowling ◽  
Yanna Krupnikov
Keyword(s):  
American Politics ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Negative Advertising ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
The 1960S

Since the 1960s there has been an increase in the amount of negative advertising in American campaigns. Although only 10% of advertisements aired in the 1960 campaign were negative, in the 2012 campaign only 14.3% of aired ads were positive. The increase in negative advertising has raised questions about the effects these types of ads may have on the electoral outcomes and the political process at large. Indeed, many voters and political actors have assumed and argued that negative advertising will have negative consequences for American politics. Although many news consumers and people interested in politics make many assumptions about the role of negativity in politics, the effect of campaign negativity on the political process is ambiguous. If there is a relationship between negativity and political outcomes, this relationship is nuanced and conditional. Although negativity may, under certain conditions, have powerful effects on political outcomes, under other conditions the effects of negativity are minimal. Moreover, while there is some research to suggest that this type of campaigning can produce negative consequences, other research suggests that negativity may—at times—be beneficial for the political process.

American Studies and the Radical Tradition: From the 1930s to the 1960s

Prospects ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 21-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guenter H. Lenz
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
American Studies ◽  
Early Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Perspective ◽  
New Methods ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
History Of ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
The 1960S

During the last years scholars in American Studies have become more conscious of the methodological problems of their work and have made wide-ranging use of the developments in various disciplines in the humanities and social sciences. They have also discovered the importance of a critical perspective on the history of their “discipline.” But there clearly is the feeling of a loss of direction, an uneasiness about the purposes and objectives of American Studies. Often the appropriation of new methods and approaches was pursued under the old premises, and awareness of the history of the field reduced to a stereotypical periodization of “phases” characterized by dominant “key concepts” or “methods.” Whereas during the late 1960s and early 1970s the work of the so-called myth-symbol school (from H. N. Smith to Leo Marx) was criticized as methodologically unsound (by B. Kuklick) and politically conservative (or reactionary) (by Lasch et al.), more recently some of its work, particularly by Leo Marx and Richard Slotkin, has been condemned (by Kenneth Lynn) as “regressive,” “reductionist,” or simply “anti-American Studies.” This confusion about the origin, the objectives, the political implications, and the “legacy” of the early period of American Studies, from the 1930s to the 1960s, and the development and changes in literary and cultural criticism and in historiography during these decades is, it seems to me, one reason for the precarious relationship between “history” and “theory” in American Studies today.

scholarly journals Criticism of “fascist nostalgia” in the political thought of the New Right

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-64
Author(s):  
Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
New Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Direct Impact ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right

CRITICISM OF “FASCIST NOSTALGIA” IN THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE NEW RIGHTThe article analyses the way in which the Italian New Right perceived fascist traditions as cultivated by the Italian Social Movement Movimento Sociale Italiano. The New Right that was shaped in the period of student protests and marches in the 1960s and 1970s among the youth environment of the MSI strived for the ideological renewal of this party, in particular seeking to discard the so-called “Fascist Nostalgia” that had been dooming it to political exclusion. The party principally rejected Julius Evola’s integral traditionalism, which had been a point of reference for neo-fascist circles, and castigated the absence of contemporary cultural and ideological patterns of the Italian far right. Under the infl uence of the French idea of “Nouvelle Droit”, the Italian New Right was meant to be a metapolitical programme that assumed expanding of the traditional electorate with a simultaneous and direct impact on the civil society through taking up contemporary social and cultural topics, as well as fi ghting traditional dichotomy of the right and the left.

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