Removing Temptation: New Zealand's Alcohol Restrictions, 1881-2005

<p>This thesis provides an historical overview of the legal restrictions placed on access to alcohol in New Zealand and details some consequences of these restrictions. It questions whether the historical evidence from New Zealand supports the availability theory of alcohol. The availability theory contends that for most societies the per capita consumption of alcohol can be reduced by restricting its availability, thereby reducing alcohol-related harm. The theory was propounded in detail by the international alcohol research community from the 1970s but was also implicit in 'restrictionist' approaches increasingly adopted in a variety of countries, including New Zealand, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The thesis focuses primarily on the period from 1881 onwards, when a new Licensing Act formalised the restrictionist principles that were to dominate liquor policy for much of the next century. Until the passing of 1989 Sale of Liquor Act New Zealand's liquor laws were characterised by strict controls on licence numbers, uniform hours of sale, regular polls on liquor issues and legal obligations to provide accommodation for travellers. The availability theory was tested by assessing the effect of the rapid changes in alcohol availability that resulted from tax and policy changes that increased or decreased restrictions on access. Large liquor tax increases in 1921 and 1958 were followed by significant and sustained reductions in per capita alcohol consumption. The lowering of the minimum legal age of purchase in 1969 and 1999 was followed by increased alcohol consumption. Both these findings are consistent with the availability theory. However, neither the banning of liquor sales after six pm from December 1917 ('six o'clock closing') nor the resumption of ten o'clock closing from October 1967 had any apparent effect on liquor consumption. Rapid changes in the number of liquor outlets from 1894 to 1910 and from 1990 to 1995 were inversely correlated with changes in per capita alcohol consumption, a finding that is strongly at odds the availability theory. The findings have relevance for contemporary debates on access to alcohol in Australia (outlet numbers) Great Britain (drinking hours and liquor taxes) and New Zealand (the drinking age). This thesis also attempts to explain why strict controls remained in place for so long given that restrictions on outlet numbers and. hours of sale had no apparent impact on liquor consumption. Six o'clock closing lasted for 50 years. A freeze on public house numbers instituted in 1894 remained largely in place for almost 70 years. It is argued that liquor restrictions were maintained primarily because of political inertia engendered by three main factors. Firstly, political parties avoided addressing liquor issues as they tended to threaten party unity. Secondly, repeated referendums provided politicians with a regular reminder of the strength of the temperance lobby, making them wary of reform. Thirdly, there was little lobbying for reform because the restrictions advantaged vested interests within the liquor industry, the controls were commonly believed to reduce alcohol consumption, and the isolation of New Zealand contributed to a lack of exposure to alternatives.</p>

Removing Temptation: New Zealand's Alcohol Restrictions, 1881-2005

<p>This thesis provides an historical overview of the legal restrictions placed on access to alcohol in New Zealand and details some consequences of these restrictions. It questions whether the historical evidence from New Zealand supports the availability theory of alcohol. The availability theory contends that for most societies the per capita consumption of alcohol can be reduced by restricting its availability, thereby reducing alcohol-related harm. The theory was propounded in detail by the international alcohol research community from the 1970s but was also implicit in 'restrictionist' approaches increasingly adopted in a variety of countries, including New Zealand, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The thesis focuses primarily on the period from 1881 onwards, when a new Licensing Act formalised the restrictionist principles that were to dominate liquor policy for much of the next century. Until the passing of 1989 Sale of Liquor Act New Zealand's liquor laws were characterised by strict controls on licence numbers, uniform hours of sale, regular polls on liquor issues and legal obligations to provide accommodation for travellers. The availability theory was tested by assessing the effect of the rapid changes in alcohol availability that resulted from tax and policy changes that increased or decreased restrictions on access. Large liquor tax increases in 1921 and 1958 were followed by significant and sustained reductions in per capita alcohol consumption. The lowering of the minimum legal age of purchase in 1969 and 1999 was followed by increased alcohol consumption. Both these findings are consistent with the availability theory. However, neither the banning of liquor sales after six pm from December 1917 ('six o'clock closing') nor the resumption of ten o'clock closing from October 1967 had any apparent effect on liquor consumption. Rapid changes in the number of liquor outlets from 1894 to 1910 and from 1990 to 1995 were inversely correlated with changes in per capita alcohol consumption, a finding that is strongly at odds the availability theory. The findings have relevance for contemporary debates on access to alcohol in Australia (outlet numbers) Great Britain (drinking hours and liquor taxes) and New Zealand (the drinking age). This thesis also attempts to explain why strict controls remained in place for so long given that restrictions on outlet numbers and. hours of sale had no apparent impact on liquor consumption. Six o'clock closing lasted for 50 years. A freeze on public house numbers instituted in 1894 remained largely in place for almost 70 years. It is argued that liquor restrictions were maintained primarily because of political inertia engendered by three main factors. Firstly, political parties avoided addressing liquor issues as they tended to threaten party unity. Secondly, repeated referendums provided politicians with a regular reminder of the strength of the temperance lobby, making them wary of reform. Thirdly, there was little lobbying for reform because the restrictions advantaged vested interests within the liquor industry, the controls were commonly believed to reduce alcohol consumption, and the isolation of New Zealand contributed to a lack of exposure to alternatives.</p>

Hubungan Konsumsi Alkohol dengan Cedera Disebabkan Kecelakaan Lalu Lintas di Indonesia Tahun 2018

The incidence of injury increased from 7.5% to 9.2% (2007-2018). The proportion of injuries due to traffic accidents in Indonesia is 2.2% and the highest is at 15-24 years of age at 4.9%. Total per capita alcohol consumption is expected to increase in Indonesia by 2025. The behavior of consuming alcoholic beverages increases the risk of traffic accidents. This study aimed to determine the relationship and the magnitude of the risk of alcohol consumption behavior with the incidence of injuries caused by traffic accidents in people aged >10 years in Indonesia. This research was a quantitative study using univariate, bivariate, and multivariate analysis. The multivariate results of the study showed a significant relationship between alcohol consumption and injuries caused by traffic accidents with OR 2.436 (95% CI: 1.233 - 4.811) after being controlled by other variables, namely age, sex, education, occupation, area of residence and island of domicile. Male group had a significant relationship with OR 1.204 (95% CI: 1.131 - 1.282), higher education was significantly associated with OR 1.953 (95% CI: 1.783 - 2.138), work was significantly associated with OR 1.230 (95% CI: 1.138 - 1.329) ), living in urban areas was significantly associated with OR 1.176 (95% CI: 1.104 - 1.253) and domicile in Sulawesi Island was significantly associated with OR 1.811 (95% CI: 1.580 - 2.077). The age variable is not significant. Alcohol consumption is the variable that has the greatest influence on injuries caused by traffic accidents. Interventions need to be focused on population groups who are more at risk in formulating health policies and programs to reduce the incidence of injuries caused by traffic accidents. Abstrak Kejadian cedera meningkat dari 7,5% menjadi 9,2% (2007-2018). Proporsi cedera akibat kecelakaan lalu lintas di Indonesia sebesar 2,2% dan paling tinggi pada usia 15-24 tahun sebesar 4,9%. Total konsumsi alkohol per kapita diperkirakan meningkat di Indonesia tahun 2025. Perilaku mengonsumsi minuman beralkohol meningkatkan risiko kecelakaan lalu lintas. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui hubungan dan besaran risiko perilaku konsumsi minuman beralkohol dengan kejadian cedera disebabkan kecelakaan lalu lintas pada penduduk usia >10 tahun di Indonesia. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kuantitatif dengan menggunakan analisis univariat, bivariat, dan multivariat. Hasil multivariat penelitian menunjukkan hubungan yang signifikan antara konsumsi minuman beralkohol dengan cedera disebabkan kecelakaan lalu lintas dengan OR 2,436 (95% CI: 1,233 – 4,811) setelah dikontrol oleh variabel lain yaitu variabel umur, jenis kelamin, pendidikan, pekerjaan, wilayah tempat tinggal dan pulau domisili. Kelompok laki-laki berhubungan bermakna dengan OR 1,204 (95% CI:1,131 – 1,282), pendidikan tinggi berhubungan bermakna dengan OR 1,953 (95% CI: 1,783 – 2,138), bekerja berhubungan bermakna dengan OR 1,230 (95% CI: 1,138 – 1,329), tinggal di perkotaan berhubungan bermakna dengan OR 1,176 (95% CI: 1,104 – 1,253) dan domisili di Pulau Sulawesi berhubungan bermakna dengan OR 1,811 (95% CI: 1,580 – 2,077). Variabel umur tidak signifikan. Variabel konsumsi alkohol adalah variabel yang paling besar pengaruhnya terhadap cedera disebabkan kecelakaan lalu lintas. Perlu fokus intervensi terhadap kelompok penduduk yang lebih berisiko dalam merumuskan kebijakan dan program kesehatan untuk menurunkan kejadian cedera disebabkan kecelakaan lalu lintas.

Higher Alcohol Consumption Is Not Linked To Higher SARS COVID-19 Infection and Death

Severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) corona virus mediated COVid19 pandemic is a global concern. At the present, almost all countries of the world are home to the CoVid19 infection with varying rate. To understand the role of alcohol consumption and rate of CoVid19 infection, we conducted a comparative statistical analysis using the top CoVid19 infected countries of the world and compared them with per capita alcohol consumption per year. We found that higher alcohol consumption is not directly proportional to the higher number of CoVid19 infection and deaths. Google trend analysis for search of alcohol for last 12 months was found highest for Australia followed by New Zealand, Ireland, United States, and South Africa, suggesting sentiment of higher alcohol search also not related to the SARS CoV-2 infection and deaths.

Alcohol and other drugs in suicide in Canada: opportunities to support prevention through enhanced monitoring

The use of alcohol and other drugs has been identified as a significant factor related to suicide through multiple pathways. This paper highlights current understanding of their contributions to suicide in Canada and identifies opportunities for enhancing monitoring and prevention initiatives. Publications from 1998 to 2018 about suicide in Canada and that referred to alcohol or other drugs were identified using PubMed and Google Scholar. A second literature search restricted to articles including results of toxicology testing was conducted by a librarian. We summarised the literature identified on ecological analyses, attributable fractions and deaths, and research including the results of toxicological analyses. Our literature search yielded 5230 publications, and 164 documents were identified for full-text screening. We summarised the findings from 30 articles. Ecological analyses support the association between alcohol sales, annual per capita alcohol consumption and suicide rates. Based on published estimates, approximately a quarter of suicide deaths in Canada are alcohol-attributable, while the estimated attributable fraction for illegal drugs is more variable. Finally, there is a dearth of literature examining the role of acute alcohol and/or drug consumption prior to suicide based on toxicological findings. The proportion of suicide decedents with drugs or alcohol present at the time of death varies widely. While there is evidence on the role of alcohol and drugs in suicide deaths, there is not a large body of research about the acute use of these substances at the time of death among suicide decedents in Canada. Our understanding of the role of alcohol and other drugs in suicide deaths could be enhanced through systematic documentation, which in turn could provide much needed guidance for clinical practice, prevention strategies and policy initiatives.

Estimating Unrecorded International Trade of Alcohol and Forgone Revenue in Bangladesh

This study attempted to estimate the value of unrecorded liquor trade in Bangladesh. In addition, tried to estimate the revenue government lost through unrecorded liquor trade. Globally, a significant share of liquor trade takes place through informal or illegal channels and remain unrecorded. In Bangladesh, average annual per capita alcohol consumption reached 0.9 liters in 2016. About 3.5% of the male and 1% of the female adult Bangladeshi population regularly intake alcoholic beverages. Estimated demand for liquor in Bangladesh was nearly 2.5 million liters in 2016, whereas, legally permitted level of consumption was only 0.10 million liters. As both production and import of liquor is highly regulated, trade through informal channels meet the excess demand in Bangladesh. In this paper, using official data from the Department of Narcotics Control (DNC), Bangladesh, we estimate the market value of unrecorded liquor production and trade. We find that the estimated annual value of unrecorded consumption of liquor from domestic production is nearly between USD 11 million and USD 28 million; while, unrecorded trade of liquor is nearly between USD 120 million and USD 190 million. Hence, the government is losing potential revenue equivalent to about USD 0.9 million to USD 2.2 million at production stage and USD 9.5 million to USD 15.2 million at import stage.