Ruth Davidson's Conservatives: The Scottish Tory Party, 2011-19
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Published By Edinburgh University Press

9781474455626, 9781474491181

Author(s):  
Anthony Salamone

As Scottish Conservative leader, Ruth Davidson was a prominent campaigner for a ‘Remain’ vote in the European Union referendum of June 2016. Following the 2017 general election, meanwhile, Davidson repositioned herself as someone who could – aided by 13 Scottish Tory MPs in the House of Commons – influence the Brexit negotiations and nudge the UK Conservative Party towards a ‘soft’ rather than ‘hard’ deal with the EU. This chapter considers the impact of Brexit on the Scottish Conservatives during the leadership of Ruth Davidson in four dimensions: Brexit’s distinct Scottish political context, its electoral consequences, the conduct of Brexit within the UK, and the Brexit negotiations themselves. It concludes with reflections on the future prospects for the Scottish party in light of all four dimensions.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Thomson

This chapter focuses on Ruth Davidson’s position as a gay female political leader, looking at how gender and sexuality have figured in her media coverage, self-presentation and her own political positions from her election as leader of the Scottish Conservative Party in 2011 to her resignation in 2019. It moves chronologically from her election as leader to 2019, focusing on key moments – primarily the passage of same-sex marriage in Scotland; the Conservative-DUP confidence-and-supply arrangement following the 2017 general election; and the publication of Davidson’s 2018 book, Yes She Can. The chapter argues that Davidson can be seen as part of a broader trajectory within contemporary British conservatism concerning attitudes towards women in the party and politics on sexuality.


Author(s):  
Gerry Hassan

Scottish nationalism and Scottish Tory unionism are generally accepted as two irreconcilable forces. This chapter by Gerry Hassan argues that while this might be how both movements wish to see themselves, the reality is more nuanced. It argues that for much of Scotland’s existence as part of the Union, these supposedly opposing forces have actually coalesced in what has been called ‘unionist-nationalism’, a politics of autonomy and distinctiveness within the union. Hassan’s chapter further explores the limitations of this bifurcation of Scottish politics, as well as the shortcomings of the politics it articulates in the context of Ruth Davidson’s eight-year tenure as Scottish Conservative Party leader. It assesses how her leadership was perceived in this framework and what the party’s future prospects might be.


Author(s):  
Richard Hayton

This chapter argues that since returning to power at Westminster in 2010, Conservative statecraft has broadly followed Jim Bulpitt’s ‘territorial code’ schema. However, it also suggests this has come under increasing strain, as the political and constitutional consequences of the independence referendum in Scotland and the EU referendum vote have unfolded. The chapter’s primary focus is on the Conservative Party as a state-wide actor between 2010-19. In terms of statecraft and territorial politics, it concentrates on devolution and the centre’s dealings with Scotland and specifically the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party when it was led by Ruth Davidson between 2011 and 2019.


Author(s):  
David Torrance

This chapter provides a narrative account of the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party between 2011-19, during which it was led by Ruth Davidson. Drawing on academic articles, contemporary media coverage and new interviews, it draws out the key themes of the period. The chapter looks at the party’s electoral fortunes during that period, its strategies, rhetoric and branding, particularly during the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. It argues that far from immediately transforming the party’s fortunes – the impression given by some alternative accounts – it actually took Davidson several years to have a positive impact on her party and its polling. It also argues that this ‘Davidson bounce’ was rather short-lived and began to diminish long before her resignation as leader in the autumn of 2019.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Evershed

This chapter explores shifting and often contradictory dynamics which have manifested themselves in the relationship between Scottish Conservatism and Ulster Unionism. It provides a brief historical overview of this relationship which, it argues, has been highly salient in the consolidation of Conservatism as a political force in Scotland during the twentieth century, but which has become more ambiguous as understandings of ‘Union’, processes of secularisation, patterns of integration and differentiation, as well as the nature of centre-periphery relations in Northern Ireland and Scotland have increasingly diverged. The chapter also looks at how this relationship has continued to be reshaped into the twenty-first century by a potent mix of political forces which has included the Irish peace process, the Scottish independence referendum and Brexit.


Author(s):  
Murray Stewart Leith

This chapter, by Murray Stewart Leith, considers the rhetoric of the Scottish Conservative Party through the lens of party manifestos issued for Scottish, UK and European elections between 2010 and 2017. It begins with a short consideration of why Scottish Conservatism slipped from its historical high point after the Second World War, then goes on to illustrate the importance of both ideology and identity on party fortunes. The chapter then considers the importance of leadership before considering both rhetorical changes and continuities within the party. It argues that while the Scottish Conservatives clearly differentiated their Scottish discourse, they also remained wedded to wider UK Conservative Party rhetoric.


Author(s):  
Paris Gourtsoyannis

Until 2017, the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party and its leaders north of the border would barely have registered with journalists and politicians operating from the UK Parliament, but in Ruth Davidson they appeared to see a different sort of Scottish Tory leader and, after the 2017 general election, a Scottish Tory Party with thirteen MPs that had the potential to alter the parliamentary balance. Journalist Paris Gourtsoyannis argues that this influence was used only cautiously, rather than with the force promised in 2017. The chapter also examines internal Westminster Scottish Conservative group dynamics, as well as considerable speculation as to Davidson’s prospects of becoming UK Tory leader, or at least pursuing a political career in London rather than in66 Edinburgh.


Author(s):  
Lauren Toner ◽  
Chrysa Lamprinakou ◽  
Neil McGarvey

This chapter reviews the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party’s experience in local government in the contemporary era, with a review of the post-1974 period, traditionally viewed as the inception of modern Scottish local government. It also analyses the impact of the Conservative Party over the past 40 years, and then shifts the focus to how Scottish Conservative local government election manifestos and electioneering has changed, looking in particular at the 2017 local government election in Scotland, when the party increased its representation in town halls across the country.


Author(s):  
David Patrick

Although for decades the Scottish media was rather hostile towards the Scottish Conservatives, over the past few years more sympathetic voices (and even cheerleaders) have emerged for Ruth Davidson in particular and the party more generally. This chapter, by the media academic David Patrick, explores the influence of media representations of the party on the perceived Conservative revival in Scotland. It presents findings from an overview of media coverage of the Scottish Conservative Party between 2011 and 2019, drawing liberally from comment and opinion pieces, political sketches, blogs and magazine profiles. With a particular focus on Ruth Davidson, the chapter argues that the 2014 independence referendum – and a parallel polarisation of Scottish politics – provided Davidson and her party with a necessary platform upon which to build a new identity and relevance.


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