The Conservative ‘Territorial Code’ under Strain

2020 ◽  
pp. 126-138
Author(s):  
Richard Hayton
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Territorial Politics ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
Primary Focus ◽  
The Eu

This chapter argues that since returning to power at Westminster in 2010, Conservative statecraft has broadly followed Jim Bulpitt’s ‘territorial code’ schema. However, it also suggests this has come under increasing strain, as the political and constitutional consequences of the independence referendum in Scotland and the EU referendum vote have unfolded. The chapter’s primary focus is on the Conservative Party as a state-wide actor between 2010-19. In terms of statecraft and territorial politics, it concentrates on devolution and the centre’s dealings with Scotland and specifically the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party when it was led by Ruth Davidson between 2011 and 2019.

UK's Cameron likely to go for EU referendum in 2016

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Dutch Government ◽  
German Government ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Official Position ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

Subject The government's preferred timetable for the UK referendum on EU membership. Significance The EU membership referendum will be a major event in both EU and UK political and commercial life. Prime Minister David Cameron's official position is that the poll could take place any time before end-2017. He is less concerned about the likely outcome of the referendum, which he is confident will produce an 'in' result, than about achieving a margin in favour of membership that decisively settles the question and minimises the damage to the Conservative Party arising from the process. Impacts The most likely referendum date is September 15, 2016. This timetable would make the key renegotiation period the first half of 2016, when the sympathetic Dutch government chairs the EU Council. The German government would also prefer the UK referendum to be dealt with relatively quickly.

The Europeanization of Czech Politics: The Political Parties and the EU Referendum

2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL BAUN ◽  
JAKUB DURR ◽  
DAN MAREK ◽  
PAVEL SARADIN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
The Eu

Conclusion: a limited Conservative renewal?

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gillian Peele ◽  
John Francis
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
First Century ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
Significant Progress ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Electoral Cycle ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
External Events ◽  
Persuasive Appeal ◽  
The Eu

The conclusion evaluates the success of Cameron’s strategy of Conservative Party renewal. It argues that although the ambitious vision of Conservative modernisation was attenuated with time and the pressure of external events, some significant progress was made towards the broader goal of Party renewal. Even if the Conservative Party did not reconstruct radically its philosophy and policies, it did take steps towards a more socially liberal synthesis and did successfully diversify its candidates to present an image relevant to the twenty first century. It also re-established some of credibility as a Party with governmental competence and in 2010 and 2015 improved its electoral outreach. How long-lasting these achievements will prove is unclear. Labour’s move left under Corbyn and the weakened state of the Liberal Democrats offer Cameron space in the short-term at least to build further electoral advantage. But the EU referendum poses a renewed threat to party unity. Cameron’s period as Party leader saw some major accomplishments for a Party that had long been in the wilderness. Whether those accomplishments can be sustained will depend on how well the Conservative leadership handles divisive issues, especially the outcome of the referendum but also migration and Scotland, and on how far the Party can project a persuasive appeal into the next electoral cycle.

scholarly journals Brexit: Reasons, Political Background, Implications

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 98-119
Author(s):  
E. V. Ananieva
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Social Model ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Colonial Empire ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Overseas Territories ◽  
The Eu

In the 1960s after the collapse of the colonial empire, the European direction became more important for Britain than relations with overseas territories. For Britain membership in the EEC and subsequently in the EU was a forced measure for the lack of an alternative. Britain gained a strong position in the integration group, but became “an inconvenient partner” in it, demanding special conditions. In the country there was a constant interand intra-party struggle on the “European question”. Eurosceptics were concerned about the country’s loss of national sovereignty and identity, dissatisfied with the social model of the EU in the spirit of social democracy. Euro-optimists considered self-isolation from the continent as disastrous for the country. The logic of integration led to deepening not only economic cooperation, but also political, which caused the rise of europetceptism in Britain in the conditions of the economic crisis of 2008- 2009, the crisis of the Eurozone and the migration crisis. Against this background, Prime Minister D. Cameron was forced to hold a referendum on Britain’s membership in the EU. The results of the referendum on Britain’s membership in the EU demonstrated a split in society: just over half of the British voted for the country’s withdrawal from the EU. The country is divided on social, age, and regional grounds. Not only socially vulnerable, but socially prosperous sections of the population voted for Brexit. As a result of globalization, the former concern immigration, the latter – the shift of economic power to the East. The political consequences of Brexit are serious. The political consequences of Brexit are serious. Scotland, having voted for the EU, is aiming to hold a new referendum on independence, Northern Ireland is wary of closing the border with Ireland. In the political arena, the struggle between eurosceptics and euro-opportunists did not stop, prompting the replacement of the leader and the Prime Minister (Conservative Party) and the aggravation of the crisis in the Labor Party. The successor of D. Cameron as head of the cabinet, T. May had to announce early parliamentary elections, hoping to strengthen the position of the ruling party and supporters of its line on the eve of difficult negotiations on the conditions for Britain’s withdrawal from the EU. 

New UK security strategy has cyber focus

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
National Security Strategy ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
Political Right ◽  
The Eu

Subject The United Kingdom's new National Security Strategy (NSS). Significance The new National Security Strategy (NSS), published in late November alongside the quinquennial Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) and comprehensive spending review, reaffirms previous UK government analyses of the international security environment. However, the government's approach is now more confident and proactive, backed by significant new commitments and expenditure. The NSS places cyber and intelligence capabilities centre stage, including a readiness to use offensive cyber capabilities. Impacts The NSS has no analysis of possible 'Brexit' implications; release of any such official analysis could be an issue before the EU referendum. Unlike the 2010 version, the new NSS implicitly identifies Russia as a state threat, potentially shaping UK behaviour in NATO and the EU. Despite a new overseas aid strategy, the relatively large scale of UK aid will remain controversial among some on the political right.

British General Elections Since 1964

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Mark Garnett
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

This book provides a concise account of general elections during more than five tumultuous decades in British politics. Beginning in 1964, when partisan allegiances in the UK were relatively stable, it ends in 2019 when the volatility of voters was illustrated by the success of Conservative Party candidates in constituencies which had previously been ‘safe’ for Labour. The book describes the changing influences on voting behaviour—from the early 1960s, when allegiances were largely based on social class, to the 2020s when factors such as impressions of party leaders and new media outlets such as Facebook seem far more important. The electoral contests of these years produced dramatic results, ranging from Labour’s landslide victory in 1997 to the three closely fought battles of 2010, 2015, and 2017. These elections have taken place against a background of concern arising from the low turnout of voters, reaching its nadir in 2001 when less than 60 per cent of the electorate participated. Yet, in recent years, competition for the support of volatile voters has been complicated by issues like devolution to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland—not to mention the question of EU membership, which cut across long-established party lines and has helped to raise political passions to unprecedented levels. Apart from its analysis of electoral campaigns and outcomes, the book describes the most relevant developments between elections (including the EU referendum of 2016) which help to explain the dilemmas facing the system of liberal democracy in contemporary Britain.

scholarly journals Voting preferences and political attitudes in Vojvodina

Psihologija ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-212
Author(s):  
Vladimir Mihic
Keyword(s):  
Social Issues ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Group Identification ◽  
Social Dominance Orientation ◽  
Attitude Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Orientation Scale ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
The Eu

This paper deals with political attitudes of voters in the Vojvodina region and some correlates of these attitudes. Sample was 302 people, all voters of either six of the parties currently in the Serbian parliament (DSS, SRS, SPS, G17+, DS or SPO), or three of the other major parties in Vojvodina (LSV, PSS or SVM). Instruments used were: political attitude scale, social dominance orientation scale (SDO), and a questionnaire dealing with several important issues, such as support for the integration of Serbia into European Union. Factor analysis extracted six factors at the political attitudes scale-antimilitarism, support for the better minority status in the society, support for the different social issues, openness to the world, liberalism and conservativism. All differences concerning the voters? preferences were statistically significant (p < .01). Also, differences at the SDO scale also proved to be significant, as well as correlations between SDO scale and all of the political attitudes factors (correlation varied from .17 to .39). All of these correlations were negative, except for the SDO-conservativism scale. Another difference has been found at the perceived importance of different group identification. Groups were- person's ethnic group, Vojvodina, Serbia and Europe. Most important identification was with the Europe and the least one with the Serbia. Finally, more than 77% of the people in the sample said that they would vote ?yes? at the Serbia joining the EU referendum.

scholarly journals Rywalizacja międzypartyjna i wewnątrzpartyjna w kampanii referendum europejskiego w Wielkiej Brytanii z 2016 roku

Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1(46)) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Zuba
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Political Battle

Inter‑party and intra‑party rivalry in the 2016 EU referendum campaign in the United Kingdom The objective of this paper is an analysis of the course of the 2016 EU referendum campaign from the perspective of the political battle between the parties and between intra‑party factions. Besides the main goals of the UK’s leaving the EU or remaining within it, the stakes of the battle included the strengthening of one’s own political camp, the weakening of one’s opponents, the gaining of power within a party or, eventually, the gaining of power in the country. The article is divided into two major parts devoted to the analysis of inter‑party rivalry and intra‑party rivalry respectively. The referendum (both its campaign and results) has demolished the existing political make‑up determined by the results of the latest parliamentary elections (2015). The analysis is based on the following two theoretical categories: an opportunity structure and a political strategy. In accordance with these categories, an assumption has been adopted that the referendum opened a new opportunity structure on the British political scene, encouraging the parties, their factions and individual politicians to use the elections as a means of pursuing their own political agendas and goals not necessarily related directly to the EU referendum.

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