Sfera symboliczna w procesach transformacyjnych krajów byłej Jugosławii. Pomniki

The Symbolic Sphere in the Transformation Processes of the former Yugoslavia. Monuments The article focuses on the ways of treating the monumental memory of the past in the states that were established after the disintegration of Yugoslavia. These examples, which are not exhaustive, show that the process of transformation in the symbolic sphere does not create a uniform image in all countries. It oscillates between the destruction of the monuments of the past period in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also the different intensity of the events of the tragic war of the last decade of the 20th century. Breaking such a description, Serbia protects the monuments of the Yugoslavian era, while at the same time recalling the memory of the Serbian liberation struggle in the anti-Turkish uprising of 1804. The protection of the monuments of the NOB (struggle for national liberation) period in Montenegro not only proves the connection with the federal Yugoslavia, but also reflects a kind of Yugonostalgia. In turn, the monuments of this period on Macedonian territory, preserved in various states, gave way to a “flood of monuments” referring to the ancient and medieval history of this land. The changes in the monumental sphere in all countries, however, prove the willingness to justify the ideological existence of independent state entities embedded in the native tradition confirming their sovereignty.

Dyplomacja Nicolae Ceauşescu wobec przemian politycznych w Polsce w 1989 roku

Nicolae Ceauşescu’s Diplomacy in the Face of Political Changes in Poland in 1989 In 1989, Romania belonged to the communist countries, which particularly strongly attacked communist Poland for carrying out democratic reforms. For many months the diplomacy of communist leader Nicolae Ceaşescu tried to organize a conference of socialist countries on the subject of Poland, but as a result of Moscow’s opposition it did not come to fruition. During the Gorbachev era, the Soviet Union rejected the Brezhnev doctrine, while Romania actually urged its restoration. This was in contradiction with the current political line of Ceauşescu in favor of not interfering in the internal affairs of socialist countries. However, in 1989 it was a threat to communism, which is why historians also have polemics about Romanian suggestions for the armed intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Poland. In turn, Romania did not allow Poland to interfere in the problems of the Polish minority in Bukovina.

Modele przemian politycznych w regionie Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej

Models of Political Changes in the Region of Central and Eastern Europe The article discusses the issues of transformation processes in Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis took many factors into account: geographical, historical, political, political, social and economic. Internal and external premises decided about the course of political and political changes initiated at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. Classical political theories about the Transition to democracy were included. A research hypothesis was put forward that the traditions of democratic political institutions have a positive impact on the pace and extent of consolidation of the democratic system.

Generał Reinhard Gehlen i jego raport o polskim podziemiu

General Reinhard Gehlen and his report on the Polish underground The article presents the brilliant military career of Wehrmacht officer Reinhard Gehlen, who led the intelligence of the German land forces on the eastern front from 1942 to 1945. He developed this intelligence and became Germany’s best expert in the Soviet Army, which made it easier for him to establish close cooperation with the CIA after the war and become head of West German Intelligence (BND ). During the war, General Gehlen’s intelligence was, among other things, involved in the development of the Polish resistance movement. For this reason, when in the last weeks of the war, the German leadership considered the creation of a major Nazi resistance movement after the Third Reich’s capitulation, Gehlen presented an extensive one in April 1945, The final report under the title Militärische und nachrichtendienstliche Kräfte im Gesamtrahmen der Polnischen Widerstandsbewegung [Military and Intelligence Forces within the overall framework of the Polish Resistance], because he considered the Polish underground to be the best resistance movement in Europe. The report contains, among others, positive opinions about the will to survive and the resistance of the Polish society, high professional evaluations of the Polish underground army and even words of admiration for the activities of Polish military intelligence.

Dyplomacja czechosłowacka wobec sytuacji w Polsce w 1989 roku

Czechoslovak Diplomacy in the Face of the Situation in Poland in 1989 In 1989, the diplomacy of communist Czechoslovakia watched the political changes in communist Poland moving towards democratization with care and concern. However, due to the passive attitude of the Gorbachev ruler in Moscow, Prague did not intend to take any practical steps towards creating a political bloc proposed by Romania that could stop systemic changes in Poland. Despite the announcement of support for Polish communists, Prague chose to isolate Czechs and Slovaks from Poland and Poles and limit her own reforms to the economic sphere. It also did not open the border with Poland closed in 1981 for individual movement.

Soplicowo nad Jarkonem. Próba portretu zbiorowego polskich uchodźców wojennych w Tel Awiwie (1940−1948)

Soplicovo over Yarkon. A G roup Portrait of Polish War Refugees in Tel Aviv (1940−1948) In 1939–1948, an important center of Polish pro-independence emigration emerged in Tel Aviv. In January 1945 2,291 Polish civilian war refugees resided there (6,718 in all of the Holy Land). Palestine was at the time a Mandatory Territory of the League of Nations, governed by Great Britain. The refugees created a community which differed from the local one. It had clear distinguishing features – it included a large percentage of ill and lonely persons who required care; it had a high rate of feminization, an atypical social and occupational structure (a high percentage of intelligentsia and freelance professions), and a varied ethnic and religious composition. The refugees included many members of pre-war elites, people of culture and politicians. The majority of the Poles declared their attachment to national values. However, this was also accompanied by negative phenomena – political divisions and internal feuds. The unlikelihood of returning home in the near future led to frustration. In some people, war experiences weakened ethical and moral standards; some came into conflict with the law. The lot of the Poles from Tel Aviv showed all problems of pro-independence emigration: (1) an interest in politics pervaded their lives; (2) material concerns caused increasing worry; (3) awareness of having no say in changing the political situation in the homeland.

Gazimestan 28 czerwca 1989 roku – frazeologia przemówienia Slobodana Miloševicia

Gazimestan June 28, 1989 – Phraseology of the Speech of Slobodan Milošević In 2019, the thirtieth anniversary of the famous speech of Slobodan Milošević delivered on the day of St. Vitus (Vidovdan) on June 28, 1989, on 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, was marked. This speech was considered ominous and as an announcement of a future bloody war by many citizens of Yugoslavia and, above all, Albanians and Croats. The author of the article undertook to analyze this speech in terms of phraseology.