晚明軍士收入考——兼論明代國家財政之基本精神

明代研究 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (37) ◽  
pp. 115-166
Author(s):  
彭皓 彭皓
Keyword(s):  
Ming Dynasty ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Financial System ◽  
Quota System ◽  
Substantial Impact ◽  
The Qing Dynasty ◽  
Late Ming ◽  
The Government ◽  
Financial Administration ◽  
The Military

<p>以往的明代財政史研究，大都選擇以財政收入一側的嬗遞為考察對象而不離乎制度研究的範式與國家本位的視角。本文以財政支出為切入點討論晚明軍士收入的構成與水準，進而以自下而上的進路，探討明代國家財政之基本精神。本文將晚明軍士收入劃分為常規性收入與臨時性收入，前者包括月糧、布花、馬料，後者則涉及行糧、安家銀。對於衛所軍士而言，晚明財政體制的白銀化未對其生計產生實質影響，其收入仍不過與洪武時期的標準大體相持，僅能勉強維生。相形之下，並不歸屬於衛所軍戶制之中的募兵所得餉銀明顯更高。兩者的分野與明代財政奉行的「原額主義」密切相關：國家以戶籍制束縛軍戶，設計微薄的糧餉標準，以此適應同樣偏低的財政收入。此一機制雖因晚明戰爭不斷而崩解，卻為清朝繼承乃至進一步鞏固。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>Earlier studies on Ming dynasty finance have mainly focused on changes in revenue, following an institutional and state-oriented paradigm. This essay instead examines military pay, the largest expenditure of the late Ming central government, thus offering a perspective from the bottom up. This essay distinguishes late Ming military pay into regular and temporary categories. The former included monthly grain allowances, clothing, and horse fodder, while the latter included travel rations and relocation funds. For the military households, the commutation of the financial system into silver did not have a substantial impact on their livelihood. Their income had remained largely the same since the founding of the dynasty, and they could barely make ends meet. By contrast, the recruits, who were not registered with military households, received payment and rations that were significantly higher. The discrepancy between the two was closely linked to the &ldquo;quota system&rdquo; practiced in Ming financial administration. When the government established households fixed in the military category, meager rations were standardized, commensurate with the low revenue of the financial administration. Although this mechanism collapsed amidst the continuous wars of the late Ming, it was adopted and further consolidated in the Qing dynasty.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

scholarly journals Stimulation, Segregation and Scandal: Geographies of Prostitution Regulation in British India, between Registration (1888) and Suppression (1923)

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 1459-1505 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEPHEN LEGG
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Central Government ◽  
British India ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Contagious Diseases ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Indian Cities

AbstractThis paper explores the regulation of prostitution in colonial India between the abolition of the Indian Contagious Diseases Act in 1888 and the passing of the first Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act in 1923. It challenges the commonly held assumption that prostitutes naturally segregated themselves in Indian cities, and shows that this was a policy advocated by the Government of India. The object was to prevent the military visiting these segregated areas, in the absence of effective Cantonment Regulations for registering, inspecting, and treating prostitutes. The central government stimulated provincial segregation through expressing its desires via demi-official memoranda and confidential correspondence, to which Rangoon and Bombay responded most willingly. The second half of the paper explores the conditions, in both India and Ceylon, that made these segregated areas into scandalous sites in the early twentieth century. It situates the brothel amongst changing beliefs that they: increased rather than decreased incidents of homosexuality; stimulated trafficking in women and children; and encouraged the spread of scandalous white prostitutes ‘up-country’, beyond their tolerated location in coastal cosmopolitan ports. Taken alongside demands that the state support social reform in the early twentieth century, segregation provided the tipping point for the shift towards suppression from 1917 onwards. It also illustrates the scalar shifts in which central-local relations, and relations between provinces, in government were being negotiated in advance of the dyarchy system formalized in 1919.

scholarly journals DISPLACED ROHINGYA SETTLEMENT AND SECURITY CONCERN IN BANGLADESH

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 1633-1644
Author(s):  
MD MAHBUBUL HAQUE, BUSSABONG CHAIJAROENWATANA
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Field Work ◽  
Limited Resources ◽  
Economic Pressure ◽  
Security Risk ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Communal Riots ◽  
Precarious Situation ◽  
Security Concern

In Myanmar’s post-independence history, the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities have been in conflict with the Rangoon based central government. It is commonly alleged that the Rohingya are involved with separatist movements that threaten Myanmar’s sovereignty. The ethnic minority Rohingya were faced with sub-violent confrontation after the military took over State power and later, and most critically, they became de jure stateless in Myanmar.  The situation changed dramatically after the 2012 Buddhist-Muslim communal riots. Lastly, the quasi-civilian government launched ‘operation clearance’ against Rohingya civilians using the pretext of terrorist attacks on August, 2017. Since that operation, nearly a million terrorized Rohingya people crossed the border and sought shelter in Bangladesh. Almost three years on, after escaping the violence of the military in Myanmar, the refugees still live in uncertainty. This paper examines the conditions of displaced Rohingya living in different camps in Bangladesh and the extent that the Rohingya pose a security risk for host country. The Government of Bangladesh and international humanitarian agencies have been successfully handling the refugee exodus. But despite progress, it is clear that the Rohingya remain in a precarious situation.  After intensive field work, it is concluded that a small minority refugees are involved with anti-social activities in Bangladesh whereas the large majority of Rohingya is innocent. Nevertheless, the refugees’ long presence in border areas of Bangladesh is creating socio-economic pressure and environmental hazards on Bangladesh’s limited resources.   

II. Informing for Profit: A Sidelight on Tudor Methods of Law-enforcement

1954 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. R. Elton
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Effective Control ◽  
Usual Practice ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Land Rents ◽  
The Government ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
Special Force ◽  
Financial Administration

That the making of a law and the enforcement of it are two different things is a commonplace which is nowhere more clearly exemplified than in the history of economic legislation. As a recent essay on ‘The Smugglers' Trade’ has shown, the point applied with special force to the sixteenth century when the government attempted on an unprecedented scale to control the economic life of the country, and especially the export and import of goods. The problem was twofold. In the first place the administration of the customs limped badly behind the rest of the financial administration. It was not until 1536 that nationally uniform rates were imposed, and at no time could the central government be sure of exercising effective control over the local customers and searchers and their deputies. While the royal lands were put under a modernized administration in the hands of such courts as those of General Surveyors and Augmentations, nothing was done either by Henry VII or by Thomas Cromwell to go to the root of the customs question. Cromwell, indeed, produced a comprehensive code with a preamble which showed that at least he knew what the trouble was; but somewhat in contrast to his usual practice, he did not approach the administrative problem at all. The customs were left in the exchequer from whose palsied hands the royal lands had been removed; consequently, when in an age of rising prices the value of the customs revenue began to outpace that of fixed land rents, the government of Elizabeth could do no better than farm a revenue which their own machinery was incapable of handling efficiently. Until the reign of Charles II, the English customs administration was never thoroughly reformed, and governments fell back either on the inefficient exchequer or on the dubious expedient of farming.

Meteorological History and Historical Climate of China

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jie Fei
Keyword(s):  
Ming Dynasty ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Volcanic Eruptions ◽  
Precipitation Variability ◽  
Ice Age ◽  
Shang Dynasty ◽  
Meteorological Observation ◽  
The Qing Dynasty ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Late Ming Dynasty

The Chinese meteorological records could be traced back to the oracle-bone inscriptions of the Shang Dynasty (c. 1600 bc–c. 1046 bc). For the past 3,000 years, continuous meteorological records are available in official histories, chronicles, local gazetteers, diaries, and other historical materials. Ever since the Qin Dynasty (221–207 bc), precipitation reports to the central government were officially organized; however, only those of the Qing Dynasty (1644–1912 ad) are extant, and they have been widely used to reconstruct precipitation variability.Modern meteorological knowledge began to be introduced in China during the late Ming Dynasty (1368–1644 ad). Modern meteorological observation possibly began in the 17th century, whereas continuous meteorological observation records go back to the mid-19th century.Previous researches have reconstructed the chronologies of the temperature change in China during the past 2,000 years, and the Medieval Warm Period and Little Ice Age were identified. With regard to precipitation variability, yearly charts of dryness/wetness in China for the past 500 years were produced. Several chronologies of dust storm, plum rain (Meiyu), and typhoon were also established. Large volcanic eruptions resulted in short scale abrupt cooling in China during the past 2,000 years. Climatic change was significantly related to the war occurrences and dynastic cycles in historical China.

The Fractured Centre: ‘Two-headed government’ and threats to the peace process in Myanmar

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
ARDETH MAUNG THAWNGHMUNG ◽  
SAW EH HTOO
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
National League ◽  
Effective Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Peace Negotiation ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Military

Abstract This article analyses the evolving nature and dynamics of the relationship between the centre and the periphery by examining how semi-democratic reforms have shaped and influenced the peace negotiation process between the government and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) since 2011. We demonstrate that while the 2008 constitution has reduced restrictions on political, economic, and cultural activities in Myanmar, it has also inevitably produced a ‘two-headed government’ after the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), took charge in 2016 and was forced to share power with the military. This ‘two-headed’ government is the result of the historical distrust between the NLD and the army, combined with the NLD's lack of a clear strategy in dealing with EAOs. This has enabled the army to assert its well-articulated and hardline approach—without itself having an effective strategy or the capacity to end the country's armed insurgencies or bring the peace process forward. We show that the split at the centre has produced inertia and weakened the ability of the central government to formulate and implement effective policy, and further undermined the prospects for national reconciliation. Situating this case study within the wider literature of centre–periphery relationships and democratic transition, this article offers a nuanced and comprehensive analysis of how specific institutional arrangements at the centre in semi-democratic settings affect relations in both the centre and the periphery, as well as centre–periphery relationships.

scholarly journals Penegakan Hukum terhadap Tindakan Penyalahgunaan Kekuasaan dalam Kondisi Darurat Covid-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 685
Author(s):  
Hasanal Mulkan
Keyword(s):  
Government Regulation ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Virus Disease ◽  
Financial System ◽  
System Stability ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Legal Concept ◽  
Corona Virus ◽  
The Government

This study will look at the government's policy of handling Covid-19 from a prophetic legal point of view based on three main pillars, namely humanization, liberation and transcendence. In this study, the authors use normative research by using the approach to legislation, the prophetic legal concept approach and the case approach. The results of the study show that the Covid-19 handling policy carried out by the government still contains inaccurate recipient data, the distribution of basic needs assistance is not carried out in stages from the Central Government to the Regional Government but is carried out simultaneously, there is a legal basis that opens space abuse of authority due to legal immunity for officials. Keywords: Policies, handling of covid-19, prophetic lawThe government has issued several legal products such as Government Regulation in Lieu of Law Number 1 of 2020 concerning State Financial Policy and Financial System Stability for Handling the Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Pandemic and/ Or in the context of Facing Threats That Endanger the National Economy and/or Financial System Stability and Government Regulation Number 21 of 2020 concerning Large-Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB) in the Context of Accelerating Handling of Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19). The government has also implemented PSBB and Physical Distancing policies, but these policies are not effective in breaking the chain of spread of COVID-19, it can be seen that the number of COVID-19 cases in Indonesia on January 28, 2021 has reached 1 million cases, the highest in Southeast Asia.

Regime Change in Contemporary Turkey

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Necati Polat
Keyword(s):  
Recent Change ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
New Order ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Subsequent Phase ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.

A Study On Challenges Faced By Small Scale Entrepreneurship Management In Tirunelveli City

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (10) ◽  
pp. 244-251
Author(s):  
Dr. V. Sangeetha ◽  
S.Selva Kumari ◽  
M. Deena ◽  
K. Chandra
Keyword(s):  
First Generation ◽  
Central Government ◽  
New Products ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
The Government

In modern days entrepreneurship are increased and they were faced a lot of issues and challenges. Entrepreneur is one who has creative and innovative ideas for a business. The entrepreneurship reduces the unemployment. The Government was encouraged the Entrepreneurs and give award for them. Main objective for these awards is to recognize the business and business man and improve the marketability introduced new products for a market. The Central Government issues award for entrepreneurs who have a age of 40 years and they must be first generation entrepreneurs. They were holding a 51% of equity and ownership of business and then women must individually own 75% or more of the enterprise.

The Problem of Agricultural Taxation in West Pakistan and an Alternative Solution: A Comment (Notes & Comments)

1973 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 433-437
Author(s):  
Sarfaraz Khan Qureshi
Keyword(s):  
Capita Income ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Farm Size ◽  
Per Capita Income ◽  
Tax Rate ◽  
Water Rate ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Government

In the Summer 1973 issue of the Pakistan Development Review, Mr. Mohammad Ghaffar Chaudhry [1] has dealt with two very important issues relating to the intersectoral tax equity and the intrasectoral tax equity within the agricultural sector in Pakistan. Using a simple criterion for vertical tax equity that implies that the tax rate rises with per capita income such that the ratio of revenue to income rises at the same percentage rate as per capita income, Mr. Chaudhry found that the agricultural sector is overtaxed in Pakistan. Mr. Chaudhry further found that the land tax is a regressive levy with respect to the farm size. Both findings, if valid, have important policy implications. In this note we argue that the validity of the findings on intersectoral tax equity depends on the treatment of water rate as tax rather than the price of a service provided by the Government and on the shifting assumptions regard¬ing the indirect taxes on imports and domestic production levied by the Central Government. The relevance of the findings on the intrasectoral tax burden would have been more obvious if the tax liability was related to income from land per capita.

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