Perception and practice

As the ‘most recognised face of British trade unionism’, Crow was subject to more media coverage and hostile scrutiny than any other union leader. This provides not only an opportunity to contrast the public portrayal with the more complex reality behind the headlines but also to examine the veracity of the media’s own perceptions and those of others about the RMT. This chapter begins by looking at his media portrayal before considering some of the popular myths about him. This is followed by a comparison with Knapp and examining the interplay of leadership, democracy, effectiveness and identity.

Politics and practice

This chapter and the following ones provide an analysis of Crow in terms of his person, politics and members’ potential power. So left-wing radicalism provided the parameters for how Crow looked at the world and guided his role a union leader. Indeed, this intellectual framework attributed a crucial role to unions as agents for radical ends. This chapter then begins by look at his intellectual worldview before moving on to examine how it played out in practice and the conditions which allowed it to be played out. It thus considers his ‘socialism/communism’ (his words), and despite his political training, his political heterodoxy along with his views on the synergy of industrial and political struggles, the relationship between class and sectionalism, and the sources of union power and his bargaining strategy. The chapter also examines his relationship with citizens as members of the travelling public and his calls for mass action to defeat austerity.

Introduction

Establishes the case for examining Crow as a significant figure and leader in industrial relations, union and political scenes. This is done through the schema of a) the person, b) the politics, and c) the potential power of RMT members, and defining what the functions of leadership are and what is required to carry them out. The introduction outlines the methodology deployed and the intellectual approach taken. It also sets out context for analysing Crow in terms of the specificity of RMT and the rail industry. Finally, it provides outline of following chapters.

Becoming RMT general secretary

It is not often that a deputy to a sitting general secretary becomes almost as well known and as influential as the general secretary. But due to his record of struggle, big personality, radical left politics, responsibility for dealing with London Underground and powerbase in London, this was plainly the case with Crow. It was heightened by Knapp’s illness. Together these factors provided a powerful basis upon which to become general secretary. Notwithstanding his refusal to stand earlier against Knapp, Crow had an accelerated path to becoming a national union leader. Compared to Knapp’s tenure from 1983 to 2001, the RMT under Crow would develop apace in regaining lost profile and power. This would be no easy achievement but it was one Crow was committed to achieving personally and politically. The chapter covers his election to the general secretaryship, his first steps in changing the organisation and activity of the union and the divorce with Labour. Prior to the divorce, the RMT began to reorganise it parliamentary group. In this it became a model for how other unions organised their parliamentary groups.

Person and personal life

For four reasons, it is important to examine the person, personal life and personal interests of Crow. First, the personal was very political with him. He made it this way so it was not entirely a product of media manufacture. That is to say, the way he lived his life often epitomized what he was about and what he stood for. Second, the media did use aspects of his personal life to attack him with in order to undermine him. As became well known, he was defiant and unapologetic in response. Third, it is important to have some idea of the private person behind the public figure given that his personality was such an important part of what made him up. Fourth and related to this, his ability to get on and work with people in order to exert influence in the RMT, the wider union movement and the radical left was very much helped by his personality. Consequently, this chapter examines his personal traits (self-confidence, humour, temperament, workaholic) as well as his interests and lifestyle (holidays, housing, hobbies).

Second term as general secretary

Crow was returned unopposed for a further five-year term of office in 2006. His second term of office indicated that he had reached a peak – on which he would continue – in terms of dominating the union with his political authority and fighting track record. Three industrial-political initiatives were taken in this term of office; the creation of the National Shop Stewards’ Network, NO2EU and TUSC (Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition). Whilst the first sought to underpin the latter two, NO2EU and TUSC sought to provide alternative means of political representation for the RMT in order to avoid being sent into the political wilderness after disaffiliation. The pursuit of industrial unionism, increased bargaining gains and strengthening union organisation all continued apace.

Formative years

Examines Crow’s early years and family background to give insight into the formative process by which he became politicised and developed the strong and forceful personality he became known for and by which he pursued his political agenda. Thus, considers influence of his father and his politics as well as how Crow choose to take on board these influences in a certain way (by contrast with his brother). There were also significant turning points in Crow’s life that explain why he became the person he did. The most obvious one concerns his sense of being picked upon at work when he was just nineteen because this opened him up to a personal first experience of a workplace union from which he never looked back. The chapter details his lower level union involvement before becoming a player on the national scene of the RMT.

Legacy and legend

This chapter brings together the different themes and threads of this biography to provide an overall assessment and critique. It returns to the measure Crow against the functions and components of leadership, especially focusing on his presentational skills and styles, and considers his overall industrial and political achievements, especially when set against the definitions of militancy, mobilisation and political congruence that were laid out in chapter one. Finally, the aftermath of his death and his legacy for the RMT is considered in terms of the election of his successor, Mick Cash.

Last term of office

Crow was returned unopposed as RMT General Secretary in late 2011 for a third term of office. Crow should have served until 2017 but he was cut down in his prime by a heart condition on 11 March 2014. This last chronological chapter begins to lay out the themes for analysis and assessment which are continued in Chapters 8 and 9. It also begins this task by examining a number of issues like growth in union membership, union recognition agreement with employers and the place of women in the RMT. That chapter also examines the success of the RMT under Crow in using the occasion of the 2012 London Olympics to lever better terms and conditions out of employers, the development of the union’s internal education facilities to train reps and activists, and the relationship with his successor, Mick Cash. Crow’s last big struggle combined battling London Underground at the same time as responding to a media attack on his lifestyle during the London Underground dispute.

The 1990s

Resistance to the Company Plan on London Underground began the process of bringing the three elements of person, politics and power of members together in a forceful way. On the back of this, Crow was elected to National Executive of his union in 1992 and then the position of Assistant General Secretary in 1994 (with re-election in 1999) so cementing his position in the RMT as a new left emerged to challenge the existing union leadership. However, he chose not to challenge the existing general secretary, Jimmy Knapp, highlighting a more complex relationship with him that first appears to be the case. In 2001, he led the battle with London Underground again.