Interest groups and lobbying in Latin America: theoretical and practical considerations

2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 165-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive S. Thomas ◽  
Kristina Klimovich
2020 ◽  
pp. 1439-1445
Author(s):  
Andrea Anampa-Guzmán ◽  
Andrea Denise Brito-Hijar ◽  
Cristian Antonio Gutierrez-Narvaez ◽  
Anthony Raul Molina-Ruiz ◽  
Victor Simo-Mendoza ◽  
...  

PURPOSE To describe the characteristics of the members of the ASCO-sponsored Oncology Student Interest Groups (OSIGs) in Latin America. METHODS This was a multicenter cross-sectional study. We surveyed 97 OSIG members from three medical schools in Peru and Mexico. We administered a 60-question survey covering topics including personal background, oncology training experience, and professional practice expectations and preferences. RESULTS A little more than one half of the surveyed OSIG members were female. More than one half had a visa to visit the United States and had an advanced level of English. One half of the OSIG members were also ASCO members. Most participants agreed or strongly agreed that participation in their OSIG increased their interest in cancer-related specialties (94%) and provided professional networking opportunities (94%) and that it was accessible to all students (91%). Most participants believed that their OSIG had sufficient resources to carry out its activities. Students were asked to rate their interest when they entered medical school versus at the time of the survey. Most of the members were strongly interested in pursuing surgical oncology. The majority of members were somewhat interested or very interested in palliative care and medical oncology. CONCLUSION To our knowledge, this is the first study that provides data on medical student perceptions of the Latin American OSIGs sponsored by ASCO. Student perceptions of medical oncology and the impact of OSIGs were generally positive. Given the shortages of oncology specialists in Latin American and elsewhere, strategies to engage medical students in the pursuit of cancer-related careers are becoming increasingly essential.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 496-498
Author(s):  
Daniel C. Hellinger

Venezuelan politics attracted little attention from political scientists for thirty years after the defeat of the fidelista guerrillas in the 1960s, but there has been a surge of interest in recent years. The country retained civilian, elected govern- ment through a dark period of authoritarianism in Latin America, which seemed to make it a good candidate for deriving lessons about transitions to democracy. In the 1990s, however, the democratic system entered into crisis. Venezu- ela experienced urban riots, two unsuccessful coups, removal of a president from office before completion of his term, rising electoral abstention, collapse of the traditional parties at the heart of the system, and the election of a coup leader to the presidency. Attention shifted from what went right to what went wrong. These books help us understand the limitations of the Venezuelan democratic model.


1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-308
Author(s):  
Carl Stone

Certain analysts have argued in support of liberal democratic rule that this method of structuring political power through parliaments, mass political parties and specialized interest groups is both responsive to mass needs and imbued with high capabilities for public welfare and resource redistribution. Critics2 of this view contend that liberal democratic government merely provides a facade of mass legitimacy that obscures and masks the control of public policy and decision making by privileged and affluent classes that own or control the means of production. This paper attempts to examine these conflicting views on the policy responsiveness of liberal-democratic rule to mass welfare needs in the context of the mainly capitalist societies of Latin America.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 392-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive S. Thomas ◽  
Kristina Klimovich

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Muhaimin Zulhair Achsin ◽  
Eveline Sisilia

One of the most significant changes in foreign aid issues has been the emerging of several non-tradional donors as providers of foreign aid. One of these new emerging donor countries is Chile, the top five economies (GDP) in Latin America, one of the two of OECD Latin America members, and one of upper-middle income countries. Chile government started designing the foreign aid agency in 1990 through AGCI (The Chilean International Co-operation Agency), in a democracy transition era from Pinochet to Aylwin. This research attempts to analyze how Chile domestic political factors influence changes in the dynamics of Chile’s ODA (Official Development Assistance), from aid-recipient to aid-provider. By using a theory from Lancester, the results are the domestic political factors namely ideas, institutions, interests (interest groups), and organizations influence the dynamic of Chile’s foreign aid. However, the major obstacle in early phase of developing the agendas was coming from the military.


2004 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 456-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Ross Schneider

A recent wave of deep empirical research provides a solid basis for a comparative reassessment of the role of coalitions in the politics of market reform in Latin America in the 1990s. This research confirms earlier findings that interest groups and distributional coalitions were not major protagonists in either antireform or proreform coalitions. The new research goes further empirically into analyzing the origins of interests, especially business interests, and finds them to be much more ambiguous and dynamic than assumed in earlier studies. Consequendy, other factors, especially organizations and the evolving macroeconomic context, were stronger influences on preferences regarding reform. Given the relative weakness of interest group coalitions, the article provides a typology and preliminary analysis of other kinds of coalitions—electoral, legislative, and policy—that have become more central to reform politics. These other types of coalitions still require further theoretical elaboration and empirical investigation in order to determine how they can best be deployed to illuminate reform politics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


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