Is Federalism the Source of Ethnic Identity-Based Conflict in Ethiopia?

Though statehood nature traced back to ancient times, modern Ethiopia came into being in the second half of the nineteenth century under the military expansion of King Menelik II. Since then subsequent political systems in the country have failed to recognise and accommodate the country’s ethnolinguistic diversity. However, in 1991 the new government constitutionally recognised and institutionally accommodated the country’s diversity. While solving old problems of ethnic inequality and injustice, ethnic federalism has created new problems of ethnic tensions and conflict across Ethiopia. The article aims at investigating how and why ethnic federalism ended up being a source of ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia and suggests the way out. The article employed a qualitative research design and methods of data analysis and interpretation. The finding of the study shows the notion and implementation of federalism has to be blamed, which left unclear administration boundary, overlooked cross-cutting variables, Majority versus minority and Titular versus Settler problem, politicised ethnicity by transformed cultural communities into political communities, produced mega ethnic syndrome within the Ethiopian society, for the country’s ethnic troubles and conflicts. Reforming the federal system and its constitutions is the way forwarded to reduce ethnic tensions and create an inclusive society in Ethiopia.

A break of tradition: the case of deported ukrainians from Western Boykivshchyna in 1947

In this article, based on the materials of the author’s search ethnographic expeditions аnd published works, by the example of ritual culture the result of breaking tradition of Ukrainians from Western Boykivshchyna, who were displaced within the framework of ’Operation Vistula’ have been analysed. It was the forced resettlement of approximately 150,000 Ukrainians and mixed Polish-Ukrainian families from the territory of Rzeszów, Lublin and Krakow provinces (Voivodeships) to the western and northern territories of Poland (1947–1950). After the deportation of the Ukrainians, the processes of accelerated breaking of both their the way of life and the unique world of traditional culture with its archaic customs and rites have begun. This was actively facilitated by local government policies aimed at inciting inter-ethnic tensions, creating difficult relations with representatives of various regional groups of the Polish ethnic community, as well as censure and ridicule of the traditional elements of the folk culture of re-settlers by their neighbors. Nevertheless, with the help of tradition (in ritual form or in form of their memories), re-settlers from Western Boykivshchyna continue to keep memory of their own (non) traumatic past, and, based on it, construct their own identity in the perspective of modernity.

Disputes in the Irish college, Douai (1594–1614)

By the late sixteenth century, Irish demand for seminary places was sufficient to warrant the establishment of a dedicated Irish college in Lisbon (1590). This was followed by foundations in Salamanca (1592), Douai (1594) and elsewhere. The great majority were administered by the Society of Jesus, whose Irish members were generally Old English, a term denoting descendants of the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman settlers. Old English Jesuit domination of Irish colleges occasioned accusations of discrimination against students of Gaelic family backgrounds, with the students seeking redress from the secular authorities. The Irish college in Douai was not formally administered by the Jesuits, but its founder, Christopher Cusack, collaborated closely with the Society. Accusations against him of anti-Gaelic bias emerged in the 1600s, coincidental with the arrival of large numbers of Gaelic Irish refugees in Flanders at the end of the Nine Years War (1594–1603). Ethnic tensions and financial difficulties all but put paid to the college in the 1620s.

Democratic Charter has fallen short in Latin America

Significance It has proved more effective in cajoling smaller states in the region than the larger ones and, under the stewardship of Secretary-General Luis Almagro, has been used primarily to attack left-wing governments more than those of the right. Impacts The lack of strong party systems in many countries will limit the appeal of representative democracy. Deep social divides, coupled with ethnic tensions in several countries, will persist. Other interested outside actors, such as China, will contribute little to debates about democracy.

EU and US neglect will encourage Bosnia’s nationalists

Significance Bosnian Serb representatives are boycotting state institutions over the genocide law imposed by departing High Representative Valentin Inzko. Their leader, Milorad Dodik, is using it to promote his separatist message, which is inflaming inter-ethnic tensions and pitching Western and Eastern powers against each other. Impacts Facing waning influence and elections in 2022, Bosnia’s nationalists would rather deepen divisions than bridge them. The crisis is a difficult challenge for the United States and EU, and an opportunity for Russia, China and Turkey. Without a BiH Council of Ministers decision by end-September to extend temporary funding, state institutions may not pay salaries.

Political Transition and the Rise of Amhara Nationalism in Ethiopia

Ethiopia is currently undergoing a significant political transition, a transition that began with the ascendency of Abiy Ahmed as a new chairman of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and Prime Minister of the country. In a span of a little over a year, bold political reforms have been introduced. At the same time, these reforms have exacerbated ethnic tensions in the country. In a country that has experimented with ethnic federalism and where ethnicity is the main political organizing principle, the pressure towards ethno-national political movements is quite strong. This pressure has transformed the political identity of many groups, including the Amhara. Despite its longtime role as a major constituency for pan-Ethiopianist movements, many Ethiopians claim that the Amhara, the second largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, has recently exhibited a trend towards ethnonationalism. In this paper we explore two questions. First, is there evidence that an Amhara nationalism is emerging? And if so, what may be causing this? Using recent data from both the Afrobarometer and World Values Survey, we find a growing sense of defensive Amhara nationalism among Amhara respondents, although there is no indication of a general abandonment of the “Ethiopianist ( Ethiopiawinet)” ideal. We argue that this defensive nationalism is a product of a “security dilemma” dynamic facing the Amhara as the result of the continuation of the “Oppressor/Oppressed” narrative that has been adopted by the EPRDF regime. This ethnonational appeal resonates with young Amhara males, and those who believe that their group has been unfairly treated by the current regime.

Iran’s water protests risk feeding ethnic tensions

Headline IRAN: Water protests risk feeding ethnic tensions

The right to translation and interpreting into and from Albanian as a reflection of fundamental civil rights in Kosovo between 1912 and 1999

Through the analysis of official legal documentation, this paper presents a historical overview of the development of laws and practices regarding language policies in Socialist Yugoslavia, and the use of the Albanian language in education and in the security sector in Kosovo with special emphasis on translation and interpreting. The results of the analysis show that in the 1970s socialist Yugoslav laws governing the equality of languages in a multilingual state, as codified in the constitution and other administrative and legal documents, were quite progressive on paper but did not entirely translate into political and linguistic equality in practice, but that they, nevertheless, resulted in the increased trust in the formal Kosovo governing institutions; and that the abolishment of translation and linguistic rights accompanied by the abandonment of other fundamental civil rights at the end of the 20th century eventually strengthened the ethnic tensions and divisions in the region. The article concludes that translation and interpreting represent key activities supporting the implementation of linguistic rights and trust in the legal system, and that linguistic rights are effective only if they are supported with other fundamental civil rights, such as the right to education and political participation.

THE UNDERSTANDING OF MALAYSIAN SOCIETY AND CULTURE COURSE AMONG MULTI ETHNIC DIPLOMA STUDENTS AT UNIVERSITI PENDIDIKAN SULTAN IDRIS (UPSI)

Recently, there have been frequent misunderstandings regarding the understanding of culture and practices in the multi-ethnic society in Malaysia, which has caused anger among them. If this situation is not resolved, it will cause ethnic tensions and could disrupt national security. Through the Malaysian Society and Culture course offered at Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris (UPSI) to Diploma level students, the researcher wanted to identify the level of students' understanding of this course. The research findings indicated that students' understanding in the Malaysian Society and Culture course was very high with an average mean of 4.21 and above. Majority of students stating strongly agree that this course can give them a clear understanding of the cultural diversity that exists besides this course can help students get to understand the multi-ethnic society with confidence.

Wayfaring in Taiwan during COVID-19: Reflections on Political Ontologies of Disease and Geopolitics

What are the political and ontological implications of COVID‑19? I had plenty of time to reflect on this from March to July after I ended fieldwork in Guam and unexpectedly spent four months in Taiwan. Because of Taiwan’s proximity to China, where the pandemic began, it initially seemed as if it would be among the most serious cases. Instead, Taiwan’s public health measures allowed it to become one of the few places in the world relatively untouched by the virus. The experience of Taiwan with COVID‑19 was shaped most of all by tense relations with China and the non-recognition of the country by the World Health Organization (WHO). There are also intriguing differences within Taiwan where historically Chinese settler groups and Indigenous peoples related to other Pacific Islanders find their place in the world through a broad spectrum of non-Western ontologies. In travelogue genre, I reflect upon their different stories and practices of worlding as fears of the pandemic ontributed to a heightened sense of crisis, ethnic tensions, and a rise in nationalism. This reveals important ontological differences that will continue to influence the geopolitics of the region even beyond the current pandemic.