Argentina and the IMF in Turbulent Times, 1976–1984

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen C. Nelson
Keyword(s):  
International Monetary Fund ◽  
Sovereign Default ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
Turbulent Times ◽  
Economic Beliefs ◽  
The Military ◽  
The International Monetary Fund ◽  
Economic Policymaking ◽  
The Imf

This chapter examines Argentina's relationship with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) during the period 1976–1984. It tracks Argentina's engagement with the IMF from the arrival of a Fund mission soon after the military junta took power in 1976 through to the economic meltdown in the last months of 2001, which culminated in the withdrawal of IMF support for the country and the largest sovereign default in history to that point. The Argentina-IMF case is used to test the argument linking treatment of borrowers to shared economic beliefs. The chapter first provides an overview of economic policymaking in Argentina in 1976–1981 and in 1991–2001; economic policymaking in the latter period was dominated by neoliberals. It also compares the economic beliefs of neoliberals with those of structuralists and concludes with a discussion of the breakdown in Argentine-IMF relations.

The Functional Elites of Quito

1971 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-120
Author(s):  
Emily M. Nett
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Real Power ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Military

When the educated natives of the capital city of Ecuador are questioned about social class and the power structure of their country, the answer comes unhesitatingly and with little variation. Everyone, and of course the educated are as yet few in number, knows who is who and what is what. The sampler of random opinion concludes that the real power is no longer in Quito but in the port of Guayaquil. This has been documented by Díaz, who claims that the traditional aristocracy today owns only about 50 percent of sierran acreage, most of it impoverished and ruined, and that this class is declining steadily with the growth of various coastal “bourgeoisie” classes which stem from the commercial and banking interests of the coast. Politically, too, according to Lang, the coastal influence is undermining that of the sierra, the deposition of the military junta in 1966 being attributable to pressures from the Guayaquil commercial oligarchy.

scholarly journals Perlawanan Etnis Muslim Rohingya terhadap Kebijakan Diskriminatif Pemerintah Burma-Myanmar

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Gulia Ichikaya Mitzy
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The Government

This research aims to provide a description that the emergence of resistances which committed by Muslim Rohingya in Burma-Myanmar is a result of discriminatory policy. Where there are differences pattern of resistance which carried out during 64 years or two periods of the government, namely Military Junta and Democratic Transition era. This research was based on cases of discrimination against Muslim Rohingya in Burma-Myanmar. Cases about discrimination which Muslim Rohingya accepted could be the basis of their resistance. Their resistance is not just physical but also tended to be subjective. The pattern differences factor is signaled caused by the change in government or an era. Besides, the majority reported news showed about their suffering, not about what have they done responding the policy or discriminatory treatment against them.

scholarly journals A Conflict Profile On The Rohingya Conflict in Myanmar

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 3313-3324
Author(s):  
Md. Tareq Mahmud
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The State ◽  
Salvation Army ◽  
Indian Government ◽  
International Media ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
Displaced People ◽  
The Military

‘Rohingya’- world’s most persecuted minority group came to the attention of the international media again in the mid of 2017 due to the brutality they were experiencing in their homeland by the state authority of Myanmar. Now they are being labeled as the ‘perpetual other’ of Myanmar and as the ‘Bengali intruders’ by the society regardless of being the inhabitants in the Rakhine state for centuries (The Diplomat 2017).  As a result of this Bangladesh experienced the largest surge of displaced people into its border after its independence. They are ‘culturally discriminated, economically exploited and politically sidelined’ and are being discerned by the Arakan people as a threat to their national identity and an additional competitor for the natural resources (Wolf 2015). It is widely believed that the reason of the violent crackdown of the military against the ‘Rohingya’ community in the Arakan state is either religiously or ethnically motivated. But this is only a splinter part of the entire truth. These violent atrocities against the Rohingya community is more politically and economically motivated than religiously and ethnically. This paper will focus on the causes of the present crisis which started to unveil since 2017 and how these are linked with the interest of the different stakeholders like: the Military junta of Myanmar, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), ASEAN, Bangladesh, Indian government, China, the UN, etc. To understand the causes and the effects of the conflict this paper will use the tool of ‘conflict tree’ and the ‘conflict onion’ will be used as a tool to understand the positions, needs and interests of different actors.

scholarly journals Quo Vadis Myanmar?: Military Rule, the 2010 Election and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jatswan S. Sidhu
Keyword(s):  
Political Reform ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
National Convention ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
National League ◽  
Quo Vadis ◽  
Future Direction ◽  
The Military

Myanmar (or formerly Burma) has been ruled by the military (tatmadaw) since 1962 and although multiparty elections were held in 1990, the Myanmar military junta simply refused to accept the results and transfer power to the National League Democracy (NLD) that won with a landslide victory. Instead, the Myanmar military junta announced its own version of political reform through the introduction of a “disciplined democracy” and as such convened a National Convention for the purpose of drafting a new constitution for the country. The constitution was finally approved in 2008 through a referendum that was highly rigged. Based on provisions of the 2008 Constitution, the military junta held another round of multiparty elections on 7 November 2010. Taking stock of events since 1988 and in the light of recent developments, this paper therefore attempts to gauge the future direction of the country’s political landscape by interpreting and analyzing recent events. More importantly, it would attempt to show how much change can be expected in Myanmar especially when taking into account a flawed Constitution, a highly rigged elections and a new pseudo-civilian government. In other words, is there going to be real political change or are the elections a mere window dressing by the country’s military junta?  

scholarly journals Crisis in Burma

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-60
Author(s):  
Edward Bong Geul Joo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Loss ◽  
The United States ◽  
Food Prices ◽  
The Other ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The Public ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
The Military ◽  
Peace And Development

On September 24, 2007, the conflict in Burma, also known as Myanmar, between the public and the military junta, officially known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), reached a serious point. The military junta, which represented the Burmese government, had raised the price of oil through its monopoly, which subsequently elevated food prices. In response, the public, including 1000 monks, protested against the tyrannical rule of the junta. The junta reacted by killing thousands of people and arresting democratic leaders such as U Gambira, the leader of the protesting monks. Amidst this turmoil, many foreign countries intervened to try to find a solution. Keck and Sikkink suggest that these are voluntary and angel states coming to the aid of others. On the other hand, Kaufmann and Pape argue that these are states masking their acts as aid while looking for gains for themselves. They add that these political gains are made at the costly price of economic loss. By examining how the United States has been involved in the crisis in Burma, Kaufmann and Pape’s view on these states appears to be more correct than that of Keck and Sikkink, who believe in the existence of voluntary states.

Health in Argentina under the Military Junta

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sylvia Bermann ◽  
José Carlos Escudero
Keyword(s):  
Private Sector ◽  
Community Health ◽  
Health Sector ◽  
Public Hospitals ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
Health Team ◽  
Health Differences ◽  
The Military ◽  
Politically Active

The socioeconomic policies of Argentina's Military Junta, in power since March 1976, have led to a sharp impoverishment of the vast majority of the population. In the health sector, facilities which previously were public are being transferred to the private sector, and public hospitals formerly providing free services to the population now charge patients for the care received. As a necessary counterpart to these unpopular measures, a regime of terror has been waged against members of the health team—both those politically active and those considered potentially subversive, particularly the psychiatrists and workers in community health. Differences between the Argentinian situation and previous European fascist patterns are noted, and the possibility of use of the “Argentinian model” in other capitalist countries in crisis is discussed.

The Pinochet Cases in the United Kingdom

1999 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 91-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Warbrick ◽  
Elena Martin Salgado ◽  
Nicholas Goodwin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
International Regime ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The United Kingdom

The activities of the regime of General, then President, Pinochet after his military coup in Chile in September 1973 are politically, legally and, one might almost say, popularly, one of the landmarks in the development of the international regime of human rights. Pinochet, then Commander of the Armed Forces, led a coup against President Allende, which resulted in a Military Junta seizing power on 11 September 1973. Pinochet became President of Chile in 1974 and remained in that position until 11 March 1990, when democracy was restored. He continued on as Commander of the Armed Forces until March 1998, when he was made Senator for Life.The legal significance of the reaction to events following the coup lies in the response of the United Nations to the excesses of the Pinochet government. The condemnation of Chile by the General Assembly for its policy of gross violations of human rights was the first occasion on which the Assembly had taken this step without invoking either a threat to the peace or a consideration of self-determination.

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