The Non-Arctic Dimension of Military Security—Russia and the West Between Regional Cooperation and Geopolitical Confrontation

Author(s):  
Benjamin Schaller
2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie L. Pietruska

This article examines the mutually reinforcing imperatives of government science, capitalism, and American empire through a history of the U.S. Weather Bureau's West Indian weather service at the turn of the twentieth century. The original impetus for expanding American meteorological infrastructure into the Caribbean in 1898 was to protect naval vessels from hurricanes, but what began as a measure of military security became, within a year, an instrument of economic expansion that extracted climatological data and produced agricultural reports for American investors. This article argues that the West Indian weather service was a project of imperial meteorology that sought to impose a rational scientific and bureaucratic order on a region that American officials considered racially and culturally inferior, yet relied on the labor of local observers and Cuban meteorological experts in order to do so. Weather reporting networks are examined as a material and symbolic extension of American technoscientific power into the Caribbean and as a knowledge infrastructure that linked the production of agricultural commodities in Cuba and Puerto Rico to the world of commodity exchange in the United States.


Subject Regional coordination in disaster preparedness and response. Significance With the June-November 2015 hurricane season approaching, Caribbean states are stepping up their disaster preparedness efforts. However, limited financial resources will continue to constrain efforts towards regional cooperation and mitigation. Impacts Limited military/security assets in the region encourage ongoing reliance on support from countries such as the United States. Efforts to mitigate risk through construction, especially in earthquake-prone areas, have not yet received major emphasis. Countries currently outside the main regional mechanism, such as Cuba, may increase coordination while stopping short of full membership.


Author(s):  
Ian Oas

As the head of Latvia’s minute military, Colonel Raimanos Graube, notes, the ascension of the Latvian state into NATO is part of a much larger process than military security alone: “This means we are moving to our goal, which is to be a firm and permanent part of the West.” Though such a viewpoint is common among the populaces of ascending member states, it helps raise numerous questions as to several inherent contradictions in the reasoning behind NATO expansion. To begin with, why are numerous states that just over ten years ago regained their sovereign independence from the Soviet empire so suddenly willing to join a new, hegemonic-backed Western empire? Furthermore, what are the true reasons that underlie NATO members’ interest in expanding their military alliance into nation-states with military forces comprised of only 5,500 members (e.g., Latvia)? There is more at play in NATO expansion than simple geopolitical security as defined by the international relations (IR) field. Indeed, it will be argued that above and beyond security for central Europe, contemporary NATO expansion is a moment in the cycle of the U.S. rise to world power. Moreover, it will be illustrated that ascension of central and Eastern European states into NATO may represent the final surrender of the socialist modernity as global competitor to the West. In this historical battlefield between Eastern and Western modernities, the socialist modernity that dominated during much of the region’s twentieth-century history is now reviled by these civil societies and viewed as the antithesis of modernity. In the meantime, the Western lifestyle of mass consumption and suburbanism, as well as other dominant core processes from Western Europe in general, raised the flag of market capitalism and democratic institutions in these states and filled the power vacuum just as quickly as the Soviet red stars came down. In this way, NATO is becoming increasingly synonymous with a “zone of peace” wherein all members ascribe to democracy, free trade, and interdependent relations. By joining NATO, new member states are making a political effort to shed the yoke of the failed Soviet modernity and join the hegemonic-led “Western” world (i.e., become “part of Europe”).


1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 334-335

The 26th meeting of the Caribbean Commission was held in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, May 28 to June 2, 1958. Speakers at the meeting extended congratulations and best wishes to the new Federation of The West Indies. The Commission decided to invite its member governments to establish an ad hoc committee to make preparations for a full-scale Conference to Revise the Agreement Establishing the Commission. The contemplated revision was intended to improve the Commission and to make it more efficient as an instrument of regional cooperation. The provisional agenda for this ad hoc committee, accepted by the Commission, read as follows: 1) problems relating to the functions, structure, and working methods of a successor organization for the Caribbean Commission; 2) preliminary draft of such agreement setting up such a successor organization; 3) budget estimates and apportionment of budget; 4) rules of procedure for the Revision Conference; and 5) report and findings. A suggestion was made during the meeting that financial assistance should be afforded delegates from smaller territories to permit attendance at conferences or seminars sponsored by the Commission, when necessary.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-183
Author(s):  
Waluyo Zulfikar

West Java Provincial Government in order to create innovation in order to accelerate the achievement of the vision of the Governor of West Java through the development of a strong regional economic structure. The innovation in question is to produce policies in the form of Regional Regulation Number 13 of 2010 concerning the Development and Development of West Java International Airport and Kertajati Aerocity. Various efforts have been made by the West Java Provincial government in order to accelerate the development of BIJB. The problem led to problems in land acquisition which was hampered by the rejection of some residents of the implementation of the BIJB and Kertajati Aerocity development. Another problem also arises related to the analysis of the readiness of the BIJB as the manager and support of the government in implementing BIJB and Kertajati Aerocity policies and related to the carrying capacity of water resources which are important for the sustainability of the existence of an area which is taken into consideration for implementing BIJB and Kertajati Aerocity in Majalengka Regency. West Java province. This basically requires qualified strategic steps for the realization of Kertajati aerocity in Majalengka Regency. The collaboration model of academic, business, government and civil society on Kertajati Aerocity policy is ultimately deemed qualified to realize aerocity Kertajati programs and policies. Keywords: BIJB, Regional Cooperation, Majalengka Regency


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arrigo Pallotti

Since the early 1990s African regional and continental organisations have been playing an active role in maintaining military security and promoting democracy, good governance and respect for human rights in Africa. However, their efforts have often proved ineffective. This article contributes to the analysis of the causes of the difficulties African multilateral organisations have been facing in promoting democracy and human rights on the continent through a case-study of SADC's policy towards the crisis in Zimbabwe. The article shows that SADC efforts aimed at restoring democracy and putting an end to human rights abuses in Zimbabwe were critically hampered by the history of political antagonism among the Southern African governments, and by SADC's inability to draw a clear distinction between respect for human rights and the promotion of a neoliberal strategy of regional development. In the end, SADC diplomatic efforts were caught between the demagogic rhetoric of the ZANU-PF regime as represented by President Mugabe, and the international consensus on development. SADC ultimately proved unable to both help redress the deep economic and social inequalities in Zimbabwe and uphold human rights in the country


1986 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evelyn Colbert

Author(s):  
Charles E. Morrison

Many trends in East Asia, such as the consolidation of nation-states and the growth of economic interdependence and regional cooperation, support a more robust “partial order.” However, geo-political issues, especially China’s ambitions and inter-Korean relations remain significant question marks, intensified by uncertainty about the USA. Asian countries generally benchmark rather than challenge many principles of the liberal international order, but there are cultural traditions and modern preferences at variance with Western political liberalism. The weight of Asia suggests that as a truly global system evolves, there will be some compromise between Western and Eastern concepts of order, all the more likely as domestic support for international liberalism has eroded in parts of the West, notably the USA.


Water Policy ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert G. Wirsing ◽  
Christopher Jasparro

This article examines the reasons for the stalled river resource diplomacy that exists among the South Asian region's four main co-riparian states (India–Pakistan in the west; India–Bangladesh–Nepal in the east). It maintains that the stalemate emerges from three stubborn realities characterizing these states—first, the existence among them of fundamental differences in natural river resource endowments; second, the pressure on all of their governments to give highest priority to their own country's river resource requirements; and third, their resolute adherence to diplomatic strategies that are in large part irreconcilable. It maintains, further, that the stalemate is unlikely to be overcome, barring a dramatic change in the way the region's river resources are conceptualized and managed. This means, concretely, that these states would have to abandon their current almost exclusively unilateralist inclinations in favor of bilateral or even multilateral approaches that were significantly more trans-boundary, integrated or “river basin” in focus. It warns that the continued festering of un-addressed river resource disputes between these states—between India and Pakistan, India and Nepal, and India and Bangladesh—is bound to retard rational river resource development in the region, stiffen the antagonism already apparent in their bilateral relationships and, inevitably, weigh heavily against hopes for expanded regional cooperation.


2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 441-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Kangas

AbstractWhen significant changes take place in one part of the world, it is to be expected that effects will be felt elsewhere. Particularly in an era of increasing globalization, as regions and countries become inextricably linked to each other, what takes place in one region will be felt in another. This is clearly the case with the Greater Middle East (GME). As this region expands in scope and composition, those areas on the borders must deal with the consequences. For example, much attention is placed on European reactions to and relations with the GME. Whether it is it terms of energy transfers, European Union programs regarding a "dialogue with Islam," or NATO's "Mediterranean Dialogue," there is a strong sense that Europeans must remain engaged with the region. However, can the same be said for states to the East particularly in the Far East? Is there a connection, and if so, how does this region relate to the GME? In short, why should someone examining the intricacies of state and societal development in the GME care about what takes place in the Russian Far East? There are several reasons that will be assessed in this article. First, the uncertainty of resource management and exploitation in the GME does mean that states in the Far East need to evaluate their own resource capabilities and needs. Developments within the GME necessitate a more thorough evaluation of what exists in the Far East for the countries in the region. Second, this sense of resource needs is in contrast to a political reality in the region: the major states have their own national security concerns located in other areas, thus creating a political and security "void." Russia, for example, gives higher priority to the West (Europe) and the South (Middle East). China remains committed to security concerns to the Southeast (Taiwan) and increasingly to the West (Central Asia and South Asia). Are the states in question devoting enough attention to the area that intersects them all? Third, if the states in the region believe that regional cooperation is important to address the first part above, the realities of the second part will most likely dampen any chance at true cooperation and regional development. How to overcome these problems and prevent the region from becoming a true "void" is the challenge of the states in the Far East today and in the future. A proper analysis of these security issues requires that one examine the perceptions held within the region, the capabilities and limitations of the respective governments, and an understanding of how these geopolitical differences have played out in the past.


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