Natural Gas in the EU in the Twenty-First Century: A Special Emphasis on LNG

2021 ◽  
pp. 21-60
Author(s):  
Kari Liuhto
2019 ◽  
pp. 153-158
Author(s):  
Andrzej Sakson

Among the many crises tormenting the Old Continent, the course and consequences of the migration crisis that began in 2015 are particularly noteworthy. There following issues should be highlighted: – the migration crisis manifests the internal weakness of the EU, since it has not been predicted, effectively neutralized nor managed properly; – the migration crisis has produced a division inside the EU; – the migration crisis has led to internal political and social crises in many EU countries; – the migration crisis has produced far-reaching outcomes (such as increased populism and xenophobia, division of Europe into the East and the West).


Author(s):  
Bogdana N. Koljević Griffith ◽  

In this article, the author discusses how the crisis of the contemporary European Union appears not merely as a crisis of the so-called “democratic deficit”, the way in which Habermas has most notably articulated this argument, but rather as a structural and original crisis of political subjectivity and democracy per se. In other words, the crisis of the EU is systemic and refers to the concept of the political — especially in the context of twenty-first century Europe. In this framework, the differentiation between the concepts of Europe and the EU particularly discloses the neoliberal and postmodern character of the latter, i. e., at the same time the struggle for self-governance and autonomy of the former. Moreover, it is argued how it is precisely the return to ancient democracy that reveals the path for rethinking true democracy of contemporary Europe. This is especially emphasized in reference to both practices and the concept of the polis. In conclusion, it is claimed that new politics of emancipation, which first and foremost go back to the meaning of isonomia and isegoria and as such presents the project of autonomy, presents a reappearance of ancient democracy in contemporary times. Finally, this project is articulated as one of politics of time and likewise politics of locality.


Author(s):  
Richard Pomfret

This chapter examines bilateral relations with external economic powers and private foreign investors. External interest in Central Asia during the 1990s centered on pipeline politics. Russia continued to be the dominant economic and political partner, but the government was focused on domestic issues. The USA opened embassies in all the new independent states, but Central Asia was a low foreign policy priority. Meanwhile, the EU became a major trading partner, but relations were characterized by lack of clear strategic goals, and EU technical assistance had limited impact. China and Central Asia, amidst mutual suspicion, focused on border demarcation and demilitarization. The twenty-first century saw dramatic changes in external relations. Indeed, in the first decade of the twenty-first century, the EU was Central Asia's largest trade partner and China was the fastest growing.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (S1) ◽  
pp. S63-S84 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT WOLFE

AbstractIt is a truth universally acknowledged that every ambitious twenty-first century trade agreement is in want of a chapter on electronic commerce. One of the most politically sensitive and technically challenging issues is personal privacy, including cross-border transfer of information by electronic means, use and location of computing facilities, and personal information protection. States are learning to solve the problem of state responsibility for something that does not respect their borders while still allowing twenty-first century commerce to develop. A comparison of the Canada–European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) allows us to see the evolution of the issues thought necessary for an e-commerce chapter, since both include Canada, and to see the differing priorities of the US and the EU, since they are each signatory to one of the agreements, but not of the other. I conclude by seeking generalizations about why we see a mix of aspirational and obligatory provisions in free trade agreements. I suggest that the reasons are that governments are learning how to work with each other in a new domain, and learning about the trade implications of these issues.


Author(s):  
Anna Antczak- Barzan

Abstract The article is an attempt to answer the question about the state of Poland’s security after the first decade of the twenty-first century, what are its determinants, what kind of challenges Poland faces and which of them may turn into a threat and which into an opportunity, or what Polish potential is and which of its components determine its position on the international arena. It is achieved through a detailed analysis of actions undertaken by Poland in the international arena to strengthen its international position as well as the level of its security. Thus, the aim is to identify those determinants which may contribute to establishing a stronger position and which can create problems and become a formidable challenge in the context of various aspects of security, and even develop into a threat. Unfortunately, the picture which comes out of the above mentioned analysis is not optimistic and the impression is that Poland did not use the chance it was given after the accession to the NATO and the EU.


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