scholarly journals Article 39: The Right to Physical and Psychological Recovery of Child Victims

Author(s):  
Ziba Vaghri ◽  
Katherine Covell ◽  
Gerison Lansdown

Abstract‘All youth protection services should be free.’ (Western Europe/Other)

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 80-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosie Campbell ◽  
Silvia Erzeel

This contribution to the Special Issue on Gender and Conservatism uses expert and election surveys to explore the extent to which the feminist or traditional gender ideology of parties of the right relates to their economic and liberal/authoritarian ideology. We show that although parties of the left generally espouse more feminist ideologies than parties of the right, there are a significant number of rightist parties in Western Europe that combine laissez-faire economic values with liberal feminist ideals. That said, there is more homogeneity among parties of the populist radical right than rightist parties more generally. We find that despite some variation in their gender ideology, parties of the populist radical right overwhelmingly—with the exception of one party in the Netherlands—continue to adopt traditional or antifeminist gender ideologies. In terms of attracting women voters, we find that rightist parties who adopt a feminist gender ideology are able to attract more women voters than other parties of the right. We detect several examples of center-right parties that include feminist elements in their gender ideologies and are able to win over larger proportions of women voters than rightist parties that fail to adopt feminist positions.


Author(s):  
Sophy Baird

Children are afforded a number of protections when they encounter the criminal justice system. The need for special protection stems from the vulnerable position children occupy in society. When children form part of the criminal justice system, either by being an offender, victim, or witness, they may be subjected to harm. To mitigate against the potential harm that may be caused, our law provides that criminal proceedings involving children should not be open to the public, subject to the discretion of the court. This protection naturally seems at odds with the principle of open justice. However, the courts have reconciled the limitation with the legal purpose it serves. For all the protection and the lengths that the law goes to protect the identity of children in this regard, it appears there is an unofficial timer dictating when this protection should end. The media have been at the forefront of this conundrum to the extent that they believe that once a child (offender, victim, or witness) turns 18 years old, they are free to reveal the child's identity. This belief, grounded in the right to freedom of expression and the principle of open justice, is at odds with the principle of child's best interests, right to dignity and the right to privacy. It also stares incredulously in the face of the aims of the Child Justice Act and the principles of restorative justice. Measured against the detrimental psychological effects experienced by child victims, witnesses, and offenders, this article aims to critically analyse the legal and practical implications of revealing the identity of child victims, witnesses, and offenders after they turn 18 years old.


2020 ◽  
pp. 17-35
Author(s):  
Наталия Сергеевна Семенова

На сегодняшний день сформирована солидная правовая база международных обязательств государств по гарантии права на свободу мысли, совести и религии. Соблюдение данных гарантий обеспечивается на международном уровне наличием разработанной системы уставных и договорных контрольных механизмов, в рамках которых государства отчитываются о выполнении своих обязательств. Тем не менее, несмотря на наличие хорошо разработанной международно-правовой системы защиты права на свободу мысли, совести и религии, проблемы реализации данного права, включая преследования и дискриминацию по признаку отношения к религии, остро стоят во многих странах Западной Европы. Причем, проблемы реализации права на свободу совести и вероисповедания возникают, как правило, у последователей Христианства - культурообразующей религии большинства государств Западной Европы. В статье рассмотрены основные проблемы и причины дискриминации христиан в Западной Европе. Приведены примеры практики национальных судов и Европейского суда по правам человека в области дискриминации христиан в западноевропейских государствах. Проанализированы последствия «политики толерантности», продвигаемой странами Западной Европы на международном уровне как основной «ценности» демократического общества, во взаимосвязи с дискриминацией христиан. To date, a solid legal base of the international obligations of states has been formed to guarantee the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. Compliance with these guarantees is ensured at the international level by the existence of a developed system of statutory and contractual control mechanisms, within which states report on the fulfillment of their obligations. Nevertheless, despite the existence of a well-developed international legal system for protecting the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, the problems of the realization of this right, including persecution and discrimination based on religion, are acute in many countries of Western Europe. Moreover, the problems of the realization of the right to freedom of conscience and religion arise, as a rule, among the followers of Christianity, the culture-forming religion of most states of Western Europe. The article discusses the main problems and causes of discrimination against Christians in Western Europe. It contains examples of the practice of national courts and the European Court of Human Rights in the field of discrimination against Christians in Western European countries are given. The consequences of the «policy of tolerance» promoted by the countries of Western Europe at the international level as the main «value» of a democratic society, in connection with discrimination against Christians, are analyzed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (SE) ◽  
pp. 309-326
Author(s):  
Ehsan Madmalil ◽  
Fereydoun Akbarzadeh

The concept of citizenship is one of the old key concepts in political philosophy that has been reproduced in various forms since the formation of classical political philosophy up to modern times within the theory set forth in this type of theoretical philosophy. So, pre-modern theory, modern theory and postmodern theory can be noted. The concept of citizenship is an idea which governs the right of modern human and was emerged in the Western Europe and is a product of modern politics. Accepting Legal and political rights and duties is raised by citizenship status, its main foundation and the basic idea of the concept. In the contemporary world, citizenship has been interested more than other societies. The question that comes to mind here is that how is the situation of civil rights in the era of theoretical terms in globalization? In response to the question hypothesis is that with globalization, citizenship in its modern form that was enclosed in the geography of the national government has lost its sense and civil rights embodied in the discourses that are outside the reach of state law. This study aimed to investigate the impact of globalization on the civil right and conceptual evolution theoretically, as contemporary theorists have theorized it. Research findings indicate the "global citizenship" as a concept is emerging in the era of globalization as the result of rethinking of citizenship in the modern age. The methodology of study is analysis - descriptive, this means that the concept of civil right is described and then the theoretical changes in the era of globalization will be analyzed.


Author(s):  
Adem Arkadas-Thibert

AbstractIt’s important that the government does not make the process to get the documents too complicated. (Western Europe/Other).


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt

This chapter discusses the rise of challenger parties. Challenger parties are those parties that have not yet held the reins of power: the parties without government experience. There are three main ways of distinguishing between challengers and mainstream parties in the existing literature. One focuses on the historical origins of the parties, another focuses on the specific issues they mobilize, and the third focuses specifically on populism as a distinguishing feature. The chapter then presents three examples of “waves” of challenger parties over the past century (social democratic parties, green parties, and populist radical right parties) and explores the commonalities in the strategies these parties have pursued, despite their very different ideological outlooks. It also considers the evolution of party competition in postwar Western Europe, demonstrating both the remarkable degree of stability the established party families enjoyed for much of the postwar period and then the increasing fragmentation resulting from the strengthening of challengers on both the right and the left.


Author(s):  
Nikhil Govind

Nirmal Verma was among the most prominent and distinguished Hindi novelists, essayists, and short story writers of the second half of the 20th century. Though he was briefly enamored of the ideals of communism, he lost his faith in the mid-1950s, especially after the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956. He lived in Prague from 1959 to 1968, where his work at the Oriental Institute of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences included translating prominent Czech writers into Hindi. As a result of his work, certain Czech writers—most famously Milan Kundera (1929--)—became known to Hindi readers before achieving fame in Western Europe and the United States. Many of his later works directly thematized Indian traditions and modernism. His later sympathetic treatment of tradition, when his critics began to accuse him of leaning to the right, revealed a controversial evolution of political and literary thought. At his best, Verma was able to write so that there was only a transparent line between on the one hand the mundane and on the other hand an elusive but palpable accumulation of mood.


1998 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferdinand Müller-Rommel

The decline in confidence in the traditional parties in Western Europe has manifested itself through the emergence of the Green parties on the Left and populist parties on the Right. Despite successes in some countries, these parties have remained small, although they have been able, respectively, to play on the growth of ‘post-materialist’ values on the Left, and of anti-immigrant sentiments on the Right. The prospects for these parties are not very good, in particular for the right-wing populist parties, which are highly dependent on the popularity of their leaders, and even for the Green parties, although these can exploit the internal divisions within Socialist parties between supporters of the ‘traditional’ Left and supporters of the ‘New’ Left.


2011 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 509-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Ward ◽  
Lawrence Ezrow ◽  
Han Dorussen

The authors argue that the effects of economic globalization on social democratic parties in Western Europe are conditional on the position of the median voter. If the median is far enough to the right, such parties will adopt business-friendly policies because they are required to win office. Only when the median is relatively far to the left will globalization constrain social democratic parties, forcing them to adopt policies further to the right in order to retain credibility. It is on this basis the authors argue that empirical studies are misspecified unless they include an interaction between measures of globalization and the position of the median. In addition to presenting formal theoretical arguments, the article reports empirical findings from fifteen countries in the period from 1973 to 2002 that support the conclusion that the effects of globalization are indeed contingent on the median. The authors find that the effects of globalization are significant for social democratic parties only in circumstances in which the median is relatively far to the left.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 3594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Werner Hediger

Hydropower activities must increasingly be evaluated from a sustainable development perspective. Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is the principle frequently applied to evaluate corporate contributions in this regard, though there exists no conceptual and theoretical basis that is common to the various approaches. With the present work, we fill this gap and provide a generic model that formally integrates the corporate and societal perspectives of hydropower activities within a welfare-economic framework that encompasses both externalities and distributional concerns. Building on this background and focusing on the current situation in Switzerland, the water tower of Western Europe, we particularly address the issues of water rights, resource rents and governance. This is crucial when analyzing investment projects of hydropower companies with shared private and public ownership; i.e., if external stakeholders are also sensitive shareholders who grant, at the same time, the company the right to operate. Altogether, this contribution shall support better informed decision making on both corporate and policy levels, especially regarding new and retrofitting investments in hydropower when social concerns are at stake.


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