Philosophical Theory of Business Legitimacy: The Political Corporation

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Jacob Dahl Rendtorff
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Philosophical Theory

Lyotard's Differend: Radical and Unresolved Dispute, from the Political to the Literary

Paragraph ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-42
Author(s):  
Anne Tomiche
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Literary History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Philosophical Theory ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Shed Light

Lyotard's notion of the differend can be analysed as a philosophical theory of radical disputes, that is, disputes with no possible resolution other than the silencing of one of the parties. The concept is explicitly meant to shed light on ethical, historical and political debates, while literature and psychoanalysis are strikingly absent from this theory. However, the concept of the differend is crucial to Lyotard's own discussions of literature and art. Developing from a reading of some of his texts on literature and art and on psychoanalysis, this essay shows how the concept of the differend operates in Lyotard's understanding and appreciation of literature and art, in order to then ask how the differend can help us think issues of ‘modernity’, ‘modernism’ and ‘postmodernism’ in terms other than those of literary history, and can help us think experimental writings and artistic practices of the twentieth century in terms other than those of provocation or scandal.

Sovereignty and the State

Philosophy ◽  
1936 ◽  
Vol 11 (41) ◽  
pp. 76-83
Author(s):  
R. E. Stedman
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
The State ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Philosophical Theory ◽  
Academic Interest ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Sovereignty ◽  
The World ◽  
Economic Motives

The question of political sovereignty must at all times be of acute academic interest, since it is practically impossible to say anything about the state without implying something about sovereignty, or vice versa. Political theory has very generally found this conception central to its inquiry; but in recent years the notion has been thrown into sharp relief by political events. In Fascism and Nazism the doctrine of state sovereignty is “made flesh” in startlingly substantial forms. These modern incarnations of Leviathan, and their threat to much which has come to be deeply valued, give unprecedented importance to an age-long discussion. Political theory is not to-day, if it has ever seemed, a simply academic issue, or an “arm-chair” branch of philosophy. Not all of those who carry through revolutions, who build barricades and defend them with their lives, have a clear philosophical theory of the state; but powerful beliefs and motives they certainly have; and it daily becomes more manifest that unless the world is content to allow its political future to be determined more and more by obscure visceral impulses or crude economic motives a more intense effort to achieve and to apply true beliefs in the political field is imperative.

Beyond the Political–Orthodox Divide

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Sangiovanni
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Philosophical Theory ◽  
World Today ◽  
Broad View ◽  
Human Rights Practice ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Special Cases ◽  
The World ◽  
Systematic Methodology

This chapter urges us to abandon the belief that there is a single human rights practice. Belief in what is called the Single Practice Assumption gives rise to the misguided idea—common to both Orthodox and Political views of human rights—that a philosophical theory should aim to reconstruct the moral core to this practice, derive a ‘master list’ of human rights from that core, and then use that list as a critical standard to reform and improve the practice. It is argued instead that we need a concept of human rights broad enough to capture the diversity of ways in which the term ‘human rights’ is used across the world today. The chapter defends what it calls the Broad View—which subsumes Political and Orthodox views as special cases, deployed for different ends in different contexts—and ends by delineating a systematic methodology for deriving particular conceptions of human rights for the very different contexts in which human rights are invoked.

The Social Origins and Provenance of the English Bishops during the Reign of Edward II

1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Social Background ◽  
Early Career ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
The Social ◽  
Complete Study ◽  
History Of

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

The Political Lives of Victorian Animals

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Feuerstein
Keyword(s):  
The Political
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