Peace Process, International Organizations and the “Kurdish Question”

Author(s):  
Pavel Shlykov
2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (8) ◽  
pp. 1251-1270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahman Dag

The Kurdish question has been one of the most protracted issues in the political history of Turkey. Given such a long securitization of the Kurdish question, it almost came to an end due to the peace process initiated by the AK Party government and the imprisoned leader of the PKK, Abdullah Öcalan in 2013. Apparently it was not a solid process because it failed immediately after the June 2015 general election. There may have been many internal and external factors explaining the reason why it failed but this paper looks specifically at one of them: the influence of the Syrian crisis on the peace process in Turkey in light of spillover effects and spreading insurgency theories.


The peace process in Northern Ireland is associated with the signing of the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement, the arduous and lengthy implementation of this Agreement, and the continuing sectarianism in Northern Ireland. Despite the numerous and various studies about this case, no collection of scholarly analysis to date has attempted to assess a wide variety of theories prominent in International Relations (IR) that relate directly to the conflict in Northern Ireland, the peace process, and the challenges to consolidating peace after an agreement. IR scholars have recently written about and debated issues related to paradigms, border settlement and peace, the need to provide security and disarm combatants, the role of agents and ideas, gender and security, transnational movements and actors, the role of religions and religious institutions, the role of regional international organizations, private sector promotion of peace processes, economic aid and peacebuilding, the emergence of complex cooperation even in the world of egoists, and the need for reconciliation in conflict torn societies. How do the theories associated with these issues apply in the context of Northern Ireland’s peace process? Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland explores primarily middle-range theories of International Relations and examines these theories in the context of the important case of Northern Ireland.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Allen Nan ◽  
Paula Garb

AbstractThis article analyzes a set of negotiations within a coordination network. These negotiations surrounded the establishment and development of a coordination network of citizen peacebuilding initiatives focused on the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process. The authors reflect on six years of action research working with both local and international organizations and individuals working on citizen peacebuilding initiatives in the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process. Tracing the negotiations from 1999 through 2005, the article first highlights the context in which the coordination network developed to fill a need for joint strategizing amongst peacebuilders working in the region. In this context the locally recognized organic need for coordination drove the development of the network through an elicitive process. The analysis details early negotiations about establishment of the coordination network, which focused on building a culture of coordination by establishing norms of coordination. Subsequent negotiations within revised network structures, and outcomes of the coordination negotiations are then presented. Key factors that enhanced the coordination network are identified: inclusivity and transparency; in-person meetings; absence of a formal organizational structure; autonomy of each organization; focus on integrative agreements; and a culture of coordination. The case highlights the possibilities for long-term peacebuilding work based on relationships of trust and a culture of coordination.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-104
Author(s):  
Emre Turkut

Since the collapse of the peace process in 2015, the Turkish Government has sought to turn every move towards Kurdish rights into an existential threat – a process led to the re-securitization of the Kurdish question. Ever since the descent of Turkey into an authoritarian polity has begun in the aftermath of the June 2015 elections, the Kurdish minority has suffered a brutal crackdown marked by high of political imprisonment and greater restrictions on freedom of assembly and association and on electoral aspects of self-determination. This commentary will take a closer look at the dire consequences of the collateral impact of Turkey’s authoritarian turn on the Kurdish political movement from the perspectives of minority rights and self-determination.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Schneiker

Abstract Although UN Security Council Resolution 1325 calls for increased participation of women in all stages of a peace process, the number of women who participate in formal peace negotiations is still very limited. In order to augment their number, UN Women and other international organizations have published a series of policy reports in which they argue that women's participation increases the success of peace negotiations and leads to more inclusive peace agreements. However, based on an analysis of relevant policy reports and interviews with women and men involved in peace negotiations, I argue that the policy reports do not lead to women's empowerment. Instead, they contribute to women's marginalization in peace negotiations, because they entrap women between conflicting expectations. The type of behaviour that international advocates of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda expect of women when they participate in peace negotiations limits the women's room for manoeuvre—at best. At worst, this type of behaviour prevents women from participating in the negotiations, because it is dismissed by domestic (male) negotiators. But if women who participate in peace negotiations violate the behavioural script proposed by the policy reports, they are considered as not acting in line with the WPS agenda. Hence, no matter how women behave when they sit at the negotiation table, they either lose the support of international or national gatekeepers.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cemal Ozkahraman

When the third set of peace negotiations between Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerén Kurdistan, PKK) and the Turkish state were announced on March 21, 2013, there was a hope that they would lead to lasting peace in the Kurdish region of Turkey. However, these peace talks, like previous ones, failed. This article investigates whether traditional Turkish policy toward the Kurdish question impacted the peace process, and to what extent Kurdish autonomy in Syria and its increasing role in Middle East geopolitics contributed to the Turkish state’s unwillingness to pursue resolution for a lasting peace with the PKK. The article suggests that, in order to realize a lasting peace, skepticism must be diminished, and Turkey must consider its historical responsibility toward the Kurds.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document