scholarly journals On the Collateral Impact of Turkey’s Authoritarian Turn: Re-securitization of the Kurdish Issue and the Kurds’ Struggle for Minority Recognition and Self-Determination

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-104
Author(s):  
Emre Turkut

Since the collapse of the peace process in 2015, the Turkish Government has sought to turn every move towards Kurdish rights into an existential threat – a process led to the re-securitization of the Kurdish question. Ever since the descent of Turkey into an authoritarian polity has begun in the aftermath of the June 2015 elections, the Kurdish minority has suffered a brutal crackdown marked by high of political imprisonment and greater restrictions on freedom of assembly and association and on electoral aspects of self-determination. This commentary will take a closer look at the dire consequences of the collateral impact of Turkey’s authoritarian turn on the Kurdish political movement from the perspectives of minority rights and self-determination.

1998 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-950 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Warbrick ◽  
Dominic McGoldrick ◽  
Geoff Gilbert

The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement1 was concluded following multi-party negotiations on Good Friday, 10 April 1998. It received 71 per cent approval in Northern Ireland and 95 per cent approval in the Republic of Ireland in the subsequent referenda held on Friday 22 May, the day after Ascension. To some, it must have seemed that the timing was singularly appropriate following 30 years of “The Troubles”, which were perceived as being between a “Catholic minority” and a “Protestant majority”. While there are some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation that do require rights relating only to their religion, such as the right to worship in community,2 to practise and profess their religion,3 to legal recognition as a church,4 to hold property5 and to determine its own membership,6 some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation are properly national or ethnic minorities–religion is merely one factor which distinguishes them from the other groups, including the majority, in the population. One example of the latter situation is to be seen in (Northern) Ireland where there is, in fact, untypically, a double minority: the Catholic-nationalist community is a minority in Northern Ireland, but the Protestant-unionist population is a minority in the island of Ireland as a whole.7 The territory of Northern Ireland is geographically separate from the rest of the United Kingdom. The recent peace agreement addresses a whole range of issues for Northern Ireland, but included are, on the one hand, rights for the populations based on their religious affiliation, their culture and their language and, on the other, rights with respect to their political participation up to the point of external self-determination. It is a holistic approach. Like any good minority rights agreement,8 it deals with both standards and their implementation and, like any good minority rights agreement, it is not a minority rights agreement but, rather, a peace settlement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 877-891 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmet Conker

Turkey is fully engaged in its “hydraulic mission,” very extensively and rapidly “developing” water resources throughout its territory. The extensive hydraulic development attempts conducted by the Turkish government create local, national, inter-state, and transnational contestations among the different interest groups. A great deal of scholarly literature has analyzed the rationale behind Turkey's massive-scale hydraulic development. While some studies link Turkey's hydraulic mission to its energy and food security, others highlight the importance of domestic conflicts, as in the case of the Kurdish issue in the southeast. However, few works examine the relationship between hydraulic development and state- and nation-making processes in the early period of the republic. This paper seeks to analyze the role of hydraulic development in state- and nation-making in the context of Turkey by looking at the institutional documents published by official authorities and speeches made by key politicians. Drawing mainly upon the theory of water nationalism and its related conceptual frameworks, this study argues that hydraulic development has formed one of the important components of the modernization process in Turkey, thereby playing a significant role in its state- and nation-making processes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (8) ◽  
pp. 1251-1270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahman Dag

The Kurdish question has been one of the most protracted issues in the political history of Turkey. Given such a long securitization of the Kurdish question, it almost came to an end due to the peace process initiated by the AK Party government and the imprisoned leader of the PKK, Abdullah Öcalan in 2013. Apparently it was not a solid process because it failed immediately after the June 2015 general election. There may have been many internal and external factors explaining the reason why it failed but this paper looks specifically at one of them: the influence of the Syrian crisis on the peace process in Turkey in light of spillover effects and spreading insurgency theories.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 390-406
Author(s):  
David Leupold

More than a century years ago Talât Pasha declared famously that in the Eastern Provinces “The Armenian question does not exist anymore”. Today, far from being resolved, the former binary coding (Armenian/Turkish) is even further complicated by a third element— the ongoing Kurdish question (doza Kurdistanê). While most research and journalistic works frame the Armenian issue and the Kurdish issue as two separate events that merely coincide(d) in the same geographical space, this work explores their interdependence and the historical trajectories of two peoples fatally “tied together” across a spatio-temporal scale. In my paper I identify two opposing lines of continuity through which both peoples are tied together: friendly and fatal ties. With regard to the first (friendly ties), I turn to the SSR Armenia and her role in fostering Kurdish culture and advancing Kurdish nationalism. Hereby, I argue that a marginalized community of Kurmanji-speakers—the Yezidis, previously othered as “devil-worshippers” (şeytanperest)— emerged as the vanguard in forging a novel, secularized Kurdish national identity. With regard to the latter (fatal ties), I link the irrevocable erasure of Ottoman Armenians to the emergence of an imagined “Northern Kurdistan” stretching over large parts of historic Armenia. This, finally, raises the question of Kurdish complicity in the Armenian Genocide—as state-mobilized regiments, tribal members and ordinary residents—in a geography where, as Recep Maraşlı put it, the descendants “are the children of both perpetrators and victims alike”.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 254-272
Author(s):  
Parvathi Menon

The legitimacy of secessionist movements has emerged as an important debate, while the protection of minorities within a democracy has become merely of peripheral interest to international law. My project suggests that the advent of universalized (minority) rights re-conceptualized the majority-minority relationship and its balance, reducing the possibilities of political processes to balance the relationship. What was construed as a redress for dichotomous relationships between the oppressor and the oppressed through (the right to) self-determination, became a discourse between minority (identity) rights and a democratic entitlement, post-colonially. These norms universalized a demand to rethink minority protection, no longer from the perspective of advantaged and disadvantaged; rather, to introduce perspectives of individuals polarized around a personal characteristic in their identity thus establishing/reinforcing the inferiority of their identity within the hierarchy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-335
Author(s):  
Peter Hilpold

The 20th century can be qualified as the century of self-determination. Both politically as legally, the concept of self-determination formed the most important justification for quests for territorial changes. In the present contribution, the many meanings of self-determination and its relationship with the concept of autonomy and with minority rights shall be examined. It shall be shown that although no right to secession outside the colonial context can be discerned the claims for secession to be heard in several parts of Europe are nonetheless of considerable relevance for international law. And contrary to what is mostly held to allow such claims to be expressed may eventually even strengthen state sovereignty.


2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-174
Author(s):  
G. Kanato Chophy

Commemorating the 150th birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, this article explores his influence among the ethnic Nagas. The Nagas scarcely crossed paths with Gandhi owing to their peculiar location in Indian history and society. But when some Naga leaders did meet Gandhi, they were on a mission themselves for self-determination—a political movement that metamorphosed into an armed struggle in the post-independence period. Did Gandhi make any impact in the modern Naga society? Chronicling the lives of some of the key leaders in the Naga political movement, this article attempts to understand their political activism and ideological stance in light of Gandhi’s philosophy and teachings.


1969 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon Van Dyke

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