China’s Rise and the U.S Pivot to Asia: The Implications of Trans-Pacific Partnership on the Regional Economic Architecture

Author(s):  
Catherine Yuk-Ping Lo
Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This book has considered the US decision to ‘pivot’ to Asia aiming to preserve its global primacy by containing China. Seeking to boost US influence among China’s neighbours, while painting China as a dangerous revisionist power and regional aggressor, its policy has parallels with the Cold War. But when the US embarked on its confrontation with the USSR it was at the height of its economic power. Today in courting Asian allies it has had little to offer but the power of its military machine. So while the US has made some progress in re-building its influence in the affairs of the region, it has been far from enough to stall China’s rise or to convince other Asian countries to break with China. Moreover on-going distractions in the Middle East, domestic opposition to the TPP, and other troubles mean it has not even been able to concentrate its resources on China, undermining confidence in the seriousness of its turn to Asia. As a result the US has failed to drive a decisive wedge between China and any neighbours apart from Japan and not been able to inflect its increased presence in the region into a more substantive advantage.


Author(s):  
José Augusto Guilhon-Albuquerque

China and the U.S. are currently the two most important trade partners of Brazil. Brazil is engaged in complex bilateral relations with both countries in political, security, and economic affairs. This chapter is divided into four sections. The first one compares Brazil’s bilateral relations with the U.S. and China by reviewing the developments of their diplomatic relationships in the past decades. The following section discusses how China’s rise may affect U.S. interests in Brazil and its region. The third section analyzes areas in which the competition between the U.S. and China could be positively affected by Brazilian courses of action in foreign policy. Finally, there is an analysis of possible U.S. foreign policy orientations toward Brazil and its region.


2014 ◽  
Vol 06 (02) ◽  
pp. 99-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
John F COPPER

Observers saw US “pivot” to Asia announced by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in 2011 as a strategic policy to balance China's rise. But the Obama administration denied this, making the goals of the pivot unclear. President Obama added an economic element to the pivot with the Trans-Pacific Partnership. This complicated the pivot. Defence spending, needed to make it work, was cut. Currently it is difficult to discern where the pivot stands.


2016 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Silove

American critics of the Barack Obama administration's 2011 “pivot to Asia” policy claim that, despite the lofty rhetoric, the United States has pursued an anemic strategy in Asia. Chinese critics of the pivot to Asia assert that it is a bellicose strategy aimed at containing China's rise. These two conflicting criticisms are addressed in a detailed historical narrative that traces the development and implementation of U.S. strategy, based on declassified documents, some of which have never before been made public, and extensive in-depth interviews with senior policymakers. Neither American nor Chinese critics of the pivot to Asia are correct. If this policy is properly dated and measured, the United States undertook a substantive military, diplomatic, and later economic reorientation toward Asia. That reorientation started in the mid-2000s, well before the pivot announcement. The aim of the reorientation was not to contain China's rise. Rather, the United States sought to manage China's growth through a blend of internal and external balancing combined with expanded engagement with China. These means were intended to work symbiotically to expand the combined power of the United States and its allies and partners in Asia, and to dissuade China from bidding for hegemony. The ultimate effect of the reorientation strategy—if successful—would be to preserve the existing power balance in the region, in which the United States has held the superior position.


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