The Historical Formation of the Political Field

2019 ◽  
pp. 95-137
Author(s):  
Eva Schmidt
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Field

The Fragmentation of the Palestinian Political Field

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal
Keyword(s):  
Women Workers ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Cultural Field ◽  
National Representation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
The Relationship

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.

General Assembly Resolutions on the Problem of Voting in the Security Council and on Pacific Settlement of Disputes

1949 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 705-715
Author(s):  
Yuen-li Liang
Keyword(s):  
International Cooperation ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Present Note ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Rules Of Procedure ◽  
Settlement Of Disputes

In continuation of the note on “Some Aspects of the Work of the Interim Committee of the General Assembly,” the present note will deal with the five resolutions adopted by the General Assembly during the second part of its third session, held between April 5 and May 19, 1949, on the problem of voting in the Security Council and on the study of methods for the promotion of international coöperation in the political field. These resolutions, which were adopted upon the recommendation of the Interim Committee, concern (1) the problem of voting in the Security Council; (2) restoration to the General Act of September 26, 1928, of its original efficacy; (3) appointment of a rapporteur or conciliator for a situation or dispute brought to the attention of the Security Council; (4) amendments to the rules of procedure of the General Assembly; and (5) creation of a panel for inquiry and conciliation.

Christians in Iraq: The Transition from Religious to Secular Identity

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Herman G.B. Teule
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
Positive Results

In the Middle Eastern societies, Christians traditionally define themselves as religious communities or churches. This is a continuation of the Ottoman millet system, where religion determined the place one had in society and the patriarch was responsible for the insertion of his community into the state. It not only preserves the traditional ecclesiastical divisions based on dogmatic divergences and church politics but also transposes them to the political field.For a few decades, many lay politicians in Syria considered this system as detrimental to Christian interests. They developed the idea of a common ethnic identity for all churches using Syriac. New political circumstances in Iraq made it possible to give a political translation of this idea by the creation of Christian political parties, defending common ethnic minority rights. Despite some positive results, attempts at creating unity failed, not only because a lack of unanimity about certain political choices but also about the idea of ethnic identity itself.

To what question is the Badiouan notion of the subject an answer? On the dialectical elaboration of the concept in his early work

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-120
Author(s):  
Jan-Jasper Persijn
Keyword(s):  
Direct Consequence ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Academic World ◽  
Systematic Account ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Work Up

Alain Badiou’s elaboration of a subject faithful to an event is commonly known today in the academic world and beyond. However, his first systematic account of the subject ( Théorie du Sujet) was already published in 1982 and did not mention the ‘event’ at all. Therefore, this article aims at tracing back both the structural and the historical conditions that directed Badiou’s elaboration of the subject in the early work up until the publication of L’Être et l’Événément in 1988. On the one hand, it investigates to what extent the (early) Badiouan subject can be considered an exceptional product of the formalist project of the Cahiers pour l’Analyse as instigated by psychoanalytical discourse (Lacan) and a certain Marxist discourse (Althusser) insofar as both were centered upon a theory of the subject. On the other hand, this article examines the radical political implications of this subject insofar as Badiou has directed his philosophical aims towards the political field as a direct consequence of the events of May ’68.

scholarly journals Vigencia de Ricardo Palma en el Centenario de su fallecimiento

Aula Palma ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 111-129
Author(s):  
Eduardo Arroyo Laguna
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Narrative Poetry ◽  
Critical Awareness

ResumenEste artículo sostiene la vigencia de Palma hoy así como la de González Prada; ambos representan dos momentos de la conciencia crítica del Perú. Mariátegui y Haya de la Torre los reivindican. Lima crea el escenario en el que crecerá Palma marcando sus influencias. Palma es un peruano ejemplar que hace universal lo local desarrollándose no solo en el campo de las tradiciones, narrativa, poesía, periodismo, teatro, sino también en el campo político habiendo sido deportado varias veces.Palabras clave: globalización, localización, conciencia crítica del Perú, Lima. Abstract:This article sustains the importance of Palma today as well as that of González Prada, both representing two moments of the critical conscience of Peru; Mariátegui and Haya de la Torre vindicate them. Lima creates the stage in which Palma will develop, marking its influences. Palma is an outstanding Peruvian who universalizes what is local, developing not only in the field of traditions, narrative, poetry, journalism, and theatre but also in the political field, having been deported several times.Keywords: Globalization, localization, critical awareness of Peru, Lima

scholarly journals Welfare States, Political Opportunities, and the Mobilization of the Unemployed: A Cross-National Analysis

2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Giugni
Keyword(s):  
Original Data ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures ◽  
National Analysis ◽  
The Unemployed

This article follows a revised political opportunity approach to argue that mobilization of underprivileged groups is constrained by the political opportunity structures provided by the institutional context of the country in which they act. Contrary to traditional opportunity theories, it is suggested that their mobilization also depends on a set of opportunities specific to the political or issue field most directly addressed by their claims. I propose to look for these specific opportunities in the institutional approaches to unemployment. I further maintain that such opportunities stem largely from the ways in which a given political or issue field is collectively defined. I apply a theoretical framework stressing both general and specific opportunities as well as the discursive context of claim making to original data on claim making in the unemployment political field in six European countries for the 1995-2002 period. The findings provide some support for the proposed theoretical framework, but also point to its shortcomings, especially in the lack of attention to economic factors.

Morfologie van de uiterst-rechtse groeperingen in België

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 373-407
Author(s):  
Peter Verlinden
Keyword(s):  
Systematic Review ◽  
Small Groups ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Youth Organization ◽  
Definition Of

White a generally acknowledged definition of «right» and «extreme right» does not exist, an external definition was accepted, departing from what the most important authors accepted as being «right and extreme right wing groups» in Belgium.In Flandern the most important ones situate themselves within the «Flemish Movement», although being a small part of this Movement.  These groupings are classified into three categories : groups oriented towards the Flemish-Nationalistic past, students- and youth-organizations, and the recently activist groups.In Brussels and Wallonia two initiatives delineate this political field : Le Nouvel Europe Magazine, a well distributed monthly magazine, and the Front de la Jeunesse, initially founded as the youth organization of the magazine.The relevance of these rather small groups must be seen on two levels : that of the global Belgian political context, and on the level of the political Flemish Movement. To analyse strictly the amount of that influence needs more than a systematic review of the groupings that operate on this specific political field in Belgium last year.

Het Vlaamse politieke gebeuren in 1996

Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-608
Author(s):  
Jo Craeghs
Keyword(s):  
Review Article ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Annual Review ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
Draft Constitution

In the political field, Flanders experienced a very eventful year throughout 1996. The inauguration of the Flemish Parliament and the award for a 'Draft Constitution for Flanders ' made up two symbolic heights of the Belgian federalization. On the other hand, the deepening and the widening of the Flemish autonomy regularly led to tensions between the Flemish and the Walloon Community.In the policy fields as well, far-reaching changes took place. The most important ones are mentioned within the scope of this annual review article.

Conservation and Conservatism

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Orr
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Modern Conservatism ◽  
The Devil

The philosophy of free-market conservatism has swept the political field virtually everywhere, and virtually everywhere conservatives have been, in varying degrees, hostile to the cause of conservation. This is a problem of great consequence for the long-term human prospect because of the sheer political power of conservative governments. Conservatism and conservation share more than a common linguistic heritage. Consistently applied they are, in fact, natural allies. To make such a case, however, it is necessary first to say what conservatism is. Conservative philosopher Russell Kirk (1982, xv–xvii) proposes six “first principles” of conservatism. Accordingly, true conservatives:… • believe in a transcendent moral order • prefer social continuity (i.e., the “devil they know to the devil they don’t know”) • believe in “the wisdom of our ancestors” • are guided by prudence • “feel affection for the proliferating intricacy of long-established social institutions” • believe that “human nature suffers irremediably from certain faults.”… For Kirk the essence of conservatism is the “love of order” (1982, xxxvi). Eighteenth-century British philosopher and statesman Edmund Burke, the founding father of modern conservatism and as much admired as he is unread, defined the goal of order more specifically as one which harmonized the distant past with the distant future. To this end Burke thought in terms of a contract, but not one about “things subservient only to the gross animal existence of a temporary and perishable nature.” Burke’s societal contract was not, in other words, about tax breaks for those who don’t need them, but about a partnership promoting science, art, virtue, and perfection, none of which could be achieved by a single generation without veneration for the past and a healthy regard for those to follow. Burke’s contract, therefore, was between “those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born . . . linking the lower with the higher natures, connecting the visible and invisible world” ([1790] 1986, 194–195). The role of government, those “possessing any portion of power,” in Burke’s words, “ought to be strongly and awefully impressed with an idea that they act in trust” (ibid., 190).

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