Capitalism, Free Market Economy, and the Common Good: The Role of the State in the Economy

Author(s):  
Martin Rhonheimer
Wacana Publik ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syamsul Ma'arif

After had being carried out nationalization and hostility against west countries, the New Order regime made important decision to change Indonesia economic direction from etatism system to free market economy. A set of policies were taken in order private sector could play major role in economic. However, when another economic sectors were reformed substantially, effords to reform the State Owned Enterprises had failed. The State Owned Enterprise, in fact, remained to play dominant role like early years of guided democracy era. Role of the State Owned Enterprises was more and more powerfull). The main problem of reforms finally lied on reality that vested interest of bureaucrats (civil or military) was so large that could’nt been overcome. 


Author(s):  
Michał Strzelecki

The contemporary state crisis is a derivative of complex economic and social processes. His indicators include not only the visible increase in the intensity of political conflicts (both on a micro and macro scale), the revival and development of separatist tendencies, and the weakening of the role of the state as the basic instrument of organizing collective life. It is also increasing fragmentation of the political scene, the development of particularisms, weakening and progressive dysfunctionality of existing political institutions, increasing economic rivalry and the collapse of the generally accepted axiological system, which is accompanied by increasingly clear questioning of the idea of the common good and progressing pragmatism and egoism. An important element is therefore the disappearance of civic awareness and activity. The intensification of these disturbing tendencies is certainly not supported by the modern education system, whose hallmarks are commercialization and economization, withdrawal of the state and professionalization.


Author(s):  
Michał Strzelecki

The contemporary state crisis is a derivative of complex economic and social processes. His indicators include not only the visible increase in the intensity of political conflicts (both on a micro and macro scale), the revival and development of separatist tendencies, and the weakening of the role of the state as the basic instrument of organizing collective life. It is also increasing fragmentation of the political scene, the development of particularisms, weakening and progressive dysfunctionality of existing political institutions, increasing economic rivalry and the collapse of the generally accepted axiological system, which is accompanied by increasingly clear questioning of the idea of the common good and progressing pragmatism and egoism. An important element is therefore the disappearance of civic awareness and activity. The intensification of these disturbing tendencies is certainly not supported by the modern education system, whose hallmarks are commercialization and economization, withdrawal of the state and professionalization.


1999 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 1073-1086
Author(s):  
G. J. Woodall

This article rose as a response to a practical moral question about whether or not condoms ought to be distributed to inmates in prisons of England and Wales to protect those who indulge in homosexual, genital encounter from the danger of contagion from the HIV virus. The suggestion has been made that doctors in prison should distribute condoms to those who ask for them. The analysis offered here examines a number of presuppositions, some of which are articulated and expressively embraced, others which remains tacit, perhaps never seriously entertained. The former includes the efficacy of the condom as a protection against the transmission of the virus through genital encounter, the notion that the role of the State does not extend to interference in the sphere of private morality, and, more explicit in an initial response to the proposal, that people’s consciences ought to be respected. The latter include the opinion that there is, nevertheless, a responsibility attaching to prison authorities for the well-being of inmates, if only to protect them from contagion, that sexuality is a matter of merely private morality, that morality concerns what is consequential upon deliberate action, but not a question of intrinsic good or evil. It si argued here that the degree of protection afforded by the condom is over-estimated, that the implicit function of the State and of prisons is to foster the common good, and that this entails a duty of care for prisoners, especially for the weakest and most vulnerable. Although a thorough-going reform of prisoners is not the direct responsibility of prison authorities, it is argued that there is an obligation not to damage them or to facilitate such damage. The impact of what is contemplated upon family and upon society is considered. The proposal envisaged would seem to threaten the well-being of inmates, the stability of prisons, the institution of marriage, and the likelihood of an eventual, successful rehabilitation of prisoners into society. To foment a practice which is intrinsically immoral cannot be justified, it is claimed here, even were the lesser evil argument can be invoked. Rights of the conscience and the correlative duty to respect conscience do not legitimate practices which are of their nature wrong. It is argued that the adoption of the policy proposed by bodies with a duty to the State and to society for the common good would in fact undermine the common good by facilitating what is scandalous.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.


Author(s):  
S.J. Matthew Carnes

The transformation of political science in recent decades opens the door for a new but so far poorly cultivated examination of the common good. Four significant “turns” characterize the modern study of politics and government. Each is rooted in the discipline’s increased emphasis on empirical rigor, with its attendant scientific theory-building, measurement, and hypothesis testing. Together, these new orientations allow political science to enrich our understanding of causality, our basic definitions of the common good, and our view of human nature and society. In particular, the chapter suggests that traditional descriptions of the common good in Catholic theology have been overly irenic and not sufficiently appreciative of the role of contention in daily life, on both a national and international scale.


2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Cloete

The main objective of the article is to identify the possible implications of social cohesion and social capital for the common good. In order to reach this overarching aim the following structure will be utilised. The first part explores the conceptual understanding of socialcohesion and social capital in order to establish how these concepts are related and how they could possibly inform each other. The contextual nature of social cohesion and social capital is briefly reflected upon, with specific reference to the South African context. The contribution of religious capital in the formation of social capital is explored in the last section of the article. The article could be viewed as mainly conceptual and explorative in nature in order to draw some conclusions about the common good of social capital and social cohesion.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This article contributes to the interdisciplinary discourse on social cohesion with specific reference to the role of congregations. It provides a critical reflection on the role of congregations with regard to bonding and bridging social capital. The contextual nature of social cohesion is also addressed with specific reference to South Africa.


Author(s):  
Jorge Núñez Grijalva

In all areas of the legal world there are higher aspirations, which represent legal values to be protected, like the justice, the common good and legal security stand out. The present work was proposed to analyze if the Ecuadorian Legislator, in its process of construction and promulgation of the criminal law regulating against the unfair competition, incorporated these three values into it. Regrettably, the results show an apparent absence of the three legal values in criminal law, leaving legal operators at a disadvantage in view of the need to control this type of crime and society, awaiting compliance. Through an exercise of legal hermeneutics, the study starts from a real problem in the Ecuadorian legal system of the criminal law against of the unfair competition, which demands to be discussed in the search for the State to take the necessary measures to solve this problem.


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