Indian National Congress: From a ‘’ to the Political Pioneer of Freedom Struggle

Author(s):  
Sunil K. Choudhary
2020 ◽  
pp. 35-39
Author(s):  
Suchithra T.

In Europe the concept of nationalism emerged with the rise of nation state. In states like India nationalism emerged as a result of anti-colonial movement. Nationalism is nothing but feeling of belongingness or oneness. There are different kinds of nationalism. Ethnic nationalism, Expansionist nationalism, Revolutionary Nationalism, liberal nationalism, cultural nationalism and so on. There are two major kinds of nationalism emerged in India in different points of time and how nationalism converted over a period of time. The first kind of nationalism developed du ring our freedom struggle largely under the leadership of Indian National Congress, The second one is Hindu Nationalism. This paper is discussing about how Hindutva and Hindu Nationalism developed through exponents and organizations of Hindutva ideology.


Matatu ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
Pheroze Nowrojee

Abstract The connections between the Indian Freedom movement and the Kenyan Indian diaspora after the First World War led to the involvement of the Indian National Congress and Gandhi in the struggle of the Kenyan Indians for equality and equal treatment with the British white settlers in Kenya. The Congress considered that the success of the equality struggle in Kenya would also lead to equal treatment of Indians in India itself. This was consistent with the prevailing political goal of the freedom movement in India in 1919, which was self-rule through Dominion Status under the British Crown. But when the struggle of the Kenya Indians failed and equality was denied to them by the famous Devonshire Declaration in 1923, there the Indian freedom movement realized that this signalled unequal status and a denial of self-rule to India itself. Historic consequences followed. This was the turning point and over the years immediately after the Kenyan decision (1923–1929), the Indian National Congress changed its political aim from Dominion Status to Full Independence as a Republic, realized over the 17 years to 1947.


2019 ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Robert Rahman Raman

This essay examines the interaction between different sections of Bombay’s working population and the Indian National Congress during the first two years of the Civil Disobedience movement. It looks at this engagement primarily through the vernacular archives, and explores the divergent, sometimes conflicting, trends in the articulations of nationalism in the Civil Disobedience movement and the Congress. This essay draws upon Masselos’ work and focuses on the spatial templates of the Civil Disobedience movement. It maps the relationship between the functioning of the local units of the Congress and the political infrastructure of the city’s mill districts. It argues that there was a co-relation between their mobilization practices in the city’s working-class neighborhoods and their attempt to appropriate social spaces.


2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Titus ◽  
Nina Swidler

The creation of Pakistan was a crushing blow to those hoping to establish autonomous, ethnically defined states in the western borderlands of the Indian empire. The best known of these movements, the Red Shirts (Khudai Khidmatgar), was active in the North-West Frontier Province since the 1920s and moved from affiliation with the Indian National Congress to advocating sovereignty and ultimately an independent Pushtun state when faced with the inevitability of Partition.1 Similar Pushtun and Balochi movements arose in the last decades of the Raj in the areas that now constitute the Pakistani province of Balochistan. In the pivotal years of 1947 and 1948, the Muslim League was able to outmaneuver and suppress these ambitious young movements, but they did not die. In subsequent decades, Balochi and Pushtun nationalism became key elements in the political discourse and the equation of power in Balochistan, and they remain so today.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trina Vithayathil

This article addresses the important question of how “upper”-caste power is reproduced in contemporary India, in the face of organized challenges from below. It argues that this process turns on the reproduction of castelessness. A long-standing site for the cultivation of castelessness has been the postcolonial census, which has limited the enumeration of caste to certain nonelites for the purposes of affirmative action reservations. However, in the aftermath of an intensive campaign to include a full castewise enumeration in Census 2011, the political leadership of the Indian National Congress Party conceded and reversed seventy years of census policy on caste. This article examines the institutional pushback within the executive bureaucracy in the year following the public concession to change census policy on caste. In doing so, it shows how bureaucratic actions and inactions reproduce both castelessness and upper-caste power in contemporary India.


The arrests of the nationalist leaders and other repressive measures intended to suppress the Non-cooperation and Civil Disobedience Movements made the political situation bitter and tense. The internment of the Ali Brothers added to the sore of the Treaty of Sevres. At the annual meeting of the Indian National Congress at Nagpur in 1920 a resolution was moved, which defined the goal of the Congress as ‘the attainment of Swarajya’. Gandhi toured the country for months at the time to engage with the country’s populace and to educate the public about the absolute necessity of preserving an atmosphere of non-violence in the country.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thiven Reddy

Abstract The paper argues that the model developed to analyze the dominance of the Indian National Congress of the political party system during the first two decades of independence helps in our understanding of the unfolding party system in South Africa. A comparison of the Congress Party and the African National Congress suggests many similarities. The paper is divided into three broad sections. The first part focuses on the dominant party system in India. In the second part, I apply the model of the Congress System to South Africa. I argue that the three features of the Congress System – a dominant party with mass based legitimacy, constituted by many factions and operating on the idiom of consensus-seeking internal politics, and sources of opposition who cooperate with factions in the dominant party to influence the political agenda – prevails in South Africa. In the third part, I draw on the comparison between the ANC and Congress Party to account for why certain nationalist movements become dominant parties. I emphasize that broad nationalist movements displaying high degrees of legitimacy and embracing democratic practices are adaptive to changing contexts and develop organizational mechanisms to manage internal party conflict. They contribute to the consolidation of democracy rather than undermine it.


2019 ◽  
pp. 56-80
Author(s):  
Arundhati C. Khandkar ◽  
Ashok C. Khandkar

Gandhi asked Laxmanshastri to stay back at his Bardoli ashram to help him in his drive to bring the Untouchables into the mainstream. Laxmanshastri agreed, thinking that this was his opportunity to amplify his reform efforts at the national level. He plunged into the satyāgraha movement and was soon jailed by the British for sedition. In jail, he read Marx’s writing and like many intellectuals of the time both in India and Europe, he became interested in Marxism and its potential to create a just society. He also continued to argue against caste segregation and discrimination. It was in the notorious Yerawada prison that he helped Gandhi formulate arguments against those advanced by the orthodox upper caste Indians who dominated the leadership in the Indian National Congress, to including Untouchables in the political mainstream. When traditional priests objected to the pratiloma marriage arrangement of Devdas, Gandhi’s son, to Laxmi, Rajagopalachari’s daughter, he used a lawyerly interpretation of caste and performed their wedding.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
DINYAR PATEL

Abstract In 1922, a group of wealthy Parsis in Bombay founded an organization that they dubbed the Iran League. Originally designed to assist their fellow Zoroastrians in Iran, who had suffered from centuries of oppression, the League quickly expanded its objectives to include the promotion of broader Indo-Iranian cultural and economic relations. It became a major player in the flow of ideas, literature, business, and tourist traffic between the two countries. Parsi fervour for Iran stemmed from the brand of Iranian nationalism promoted by Reza Shah, which celebrated the country's Zoroastrian past. In response, the League's leaders argued that the Parsis of India could play a special role in the ‘regeneration’ of Iran under the shah's supposedly benign rule. By the 1930s, however, Parsis’ embrace of Iranian nationalism became a clear reflection of their deep concerns about Indian nationalist politics: they cast Iran as an idealized alternative to contemporary India, where the Indian National Congress had supposedly taken an ominously ‘anti-Parsi’ turn. The Iran League, therefore, was caught between two nationalisms. Worry about India's future even prompted some Parsis to argue that their community should ‘return’ to their ancestral homeland of Iran. The story of the Iran League thus demonstrates the complex position of minorities vis-à-vis the brands of nationalism in development during the interwar years. The Parsis, a wealthy but microscopic minority, responded to political anxieties at home by romanticizing a foreign country and taking part in a wholly foreign nationalist project.


2006 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-370
Author(s):  
JAYABRATA SARKAR

The decade of the 1930s provided a near perfect backdrop for a leftist surge in Indian national politics whose trajectory so far had been mapped under the political leadership of Gandhi. It had its moments of excitement, glory and disappointments. Although ample opportunities presented themselves to the Left to decisively influence the nationalist struggle during this period, it failed in its endeavour to play a historical role, beaten by a smarter, tactful, opportunist ‘Old guard’, the ‘right-wing’ leadership of the Indian National Congress, who, as events indicated in the later years, left behind all scruples to cling to political power.


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