Movement in the 1920s

2018 ◽  
pp. 282-312
Keyword(s):  
Annual Meeting ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Absolute Necessity ◽  
National Congress ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Indian National Congress

The arrests of the nationalist leaders and other repressive measures intended to suppress the Non-cooperation and Civil Disobedience Movements made the political situation bitter and tense. The internment of the Ali Brothers added to the sore of the Treaty of Sevres. At the annual meeting of the Indian National Congress at Nagpur in 1920 a resolution was moved, which defined the goal of the Congress as ‘the attainment of Swarajya’. Gandhi toured the country for months at the time to engage with the country’s populace and to educate the public about the absolute necessity of preserving an atmosphere of non-violence in the country.

Civil Disobedience and the City

2019 ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Robert Rahman Raman
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Spaces ◽  
Working Population ◽  
National Congress ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City ◽  
Indian National Congress

This essay examines the interaction between different sections of Bombay’s working population and the Indian National Congress during the first two years of the Civil Disobedience movement. It looks at this engagement primarily through the vernacular archives, and explores the divergent, sometimes conflicting, trends in the articulations of nationalism in the Civil Disobedience movement and the Congress. This essay draws upon Masselos’ work and focuses on the spatial templates of the Civil Disobedience movement. It maps the relationship between the functioning of the local units of the Congress and the political infrastructure of the city’s mill districts. It argues that there was a co-relation between their mobilization practices in the city’s working-class neighborhoods and their attempt to appropriate social spaces.

Counting Caste: Censuses, Politics, and Castelessness in India

2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trina Vithayathil
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Congress Party ◽  
The Face ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Indian National Congress

This article addresses the important question of how “upper”-caste power is reproduced in contemporary India, in the face of organized challenges from below. It argues that this process turns on the reproduction of castelessness. A long-standing site for the cultivation of castelessness has been the postcolonial census, which has limited the enumeration of caste to certain nonelites for the purposes of affirmative action reservations. However, in the aftermath of an intensive campaign to include a full castewise enumeration in Census 2011, the political leadership of the Indian National Congress Party conceded and reversed seventy years of census policy on caste. This article examines the institutional pushback within the executive bureaucracy in the year following the public concession to change census policy on caste. In doing so, it shows how bureaucratic actions and inactions reproduce both castelessness and upper-caste power in contemporary India.

Ayodhya Dispute and Responses of India’s Islamic Neighbors and Hindu Nationalism in India

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Keyword(s):  
South Asian ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
Asian Country ◽  
Hindu Nationalism ◽  
Mahatma Gandhi ◽  
South Asian Country ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Independence Movements ◽  
Indian National Congress

India has been noted for its independence movements including the non-cooperation and civil disobedience movements under the leadership of the Indian National Congress in general and Mahatma Gandhi in particular. However, in this South Asian country, there is another kind of nationalism that roots in Hinduism. The objective of the article is to explain the nature of Hindu nationalism in India. To gain this aim, the author is going to implement three tasks including giving a brief overview of the Ayodhya dispute; reporting the reactions from India’s neighbors to the Ayodhya issue; and explaining the relations among the Ayodhya related legal fights and responses from Pakistan and Bangladesh, as well as Hindu nationalism. As a result, the study is helpful to comprehend the politics of India and its nationalism. Received 25th September 2020; Revised 2nd January 2021; Accepted 20th February 2021

Destituent Power

2020 ◽  
pp. 123-138
Author(s):  
Markus Patberg
Keyword(s):  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Eu

This chapter takes up the public narrative of ‘We, the multitude of Europe’, which suggests that the only hope for progressive change in the EU lies in a politics of disruption, and asks whether this idea can be defended based on a systematic model. To that end, it resorts to the political theory of destituent power, according to which opposition to or withdrawal from public authority can function as a legitimate trigger for constitutional change. Distinguishing between anti-juridical and juridical conceptions of destituent power, the chapter discusses to what extent the disruptive political strategies put forward by protest movements in the EU can be regarded as justifiable. Focusing on the juridical strand as the more plausible one, it argues that ideas of destituent power as ‘state civil disobedience’ run into a problem of authorization. By contrast, popular sovereignty-based approaches illuminate a neglected dimension of constituent power: the right to dismantle public authorities without the intention to create new ones. While such a model of destituent power in part captures the actions and demands of EU protest movements, it can only complement, not replace, the constructive side of constituent power.

Secularizing Renunciation?

2019 ◽  
pp. 209-235
Author(s):  
Catherine Clémentin-Ojha
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Role ◽  
The Public ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Indian National Congress

Focusing on Swami Shraddhananda (1857–1926), the chapter discusses the turn towards an ideal of political samnyasi-hood in the early twentieth century. With Gandhi, Shraddhananda shared the conviction that the regeneration of India could only be achieved through a personal disciplinary regime. Paying particular attention to the speech Shraddhananda gave at the session of the Indian National Congress in Amritsar in 1919, the chapter demonstrates his understanding of the public function of a modern samnayasi. Shraddhananda had ordained himself samnayasi in 2017. While traditionally a samnyasi renounced his social role, Shraddhananda conceived of a samnyasi in his days as one who uses his independence to become a responsible actor in social and political matters, doing seva, service, for the whole world, and working for the liberation of the nation. The author embeds her analysis in a specific understanding of secularization following which values and forms of institutionalization can be transferred from the religious to the secular sphere.

KNIGHTS, NOT PAWNS: ETHNO-NATIONALISM AND REGIONAL DYNAMICS IN POST-COLONIAL BALOCHISTAN

2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Titus ◽  
Nina Swidler
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
North West ◽  
The North ◽  
Regional Dynamics ◽  
North West Frontier Province ◽  
National Congress ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Indian National Congress

The creation of Pakistan was a crushing blow to those hoping to establish autonomous, ethnically defined states in the western borderlands of the Indian empire. The best known of these movements, the Red Shirts (Khudai Khidmatgar), was active in the North-West Frontier Province since the 1920s and moved from affiliation with the Indian National Congress to advocating sovereignty and ultimately an independent Pushtun state when faced with the inevitability of Partition.1 Similar Pushtun and Balochi movements arose in the last decades of the Raj in the areas that now constitute the Pakistani province of Balochistan. In the pivotal years of 1947 and 1948, the Muslim League was able to outmaneuver and suppress these ambitious young movements, but they did not die. In subsequent decades, Balochi and Pushtun nationalism became key elements in the political discourse and the equation of power in Balochistan, and they remain so today.

scholarly journals Freedom Movement and the Fourth Estate- Gandhian Perspectives

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 1134-1143
Author(s):  
Ramya Vasudevan
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Spiritual Development ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Civil Resistance ◽  
The People ◽  
The Press ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
Freedom Movement

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi has today become an iconic figure, a symbol of many things for many people. He is seen variously as the great opponent of European Colonism,as a champion of civil rights for racial, religious and other minorities, as an important critic of the industrial system of production, as a great pacifist, or as a person who stood for the need to resist injustice in a non-violent way. In the process, he developed the new technique of civil resistance now universally known as Satyagraha. His political, social and spiritual development during those years led to his manifesto of 1909-Hind Swaraj or Indian Self-rule a work that was considered so scandalous by the British. Gandhi returned to India in 1915 and after a period of settling in soon established himself as a champion of the peasantry, leading to confrontations with white indigo planters in Champaran in 1917 and the colonial tax bureaucracy in Kheda in 1918.He also led a successful strike in Ahmedabad. In 1917 he staged his first all India protest-the Rowlatt Satyagraha and followed this in 1920 by gaining control over the Indian National Congress and launching the Non-Cooperation Movement in which Indians withdrew their support for British Colonial institutions. This was followed in later years by two more powerful confrontations with the British-the Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930-1934 and the Quit India Movement of 1942.These movements were reflected through the Press which is the powerful media which forms the predominant role in molding the information of the public opinion. It reflects the political and socio-economic opinion of the people and emerges as an important source of information for framing the political scenario of a nation or a region according to the nature of its publication.

Before the Storm (1926)

Tautai ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia O'Brien
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Extended Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Public Meetings ◽  
Dramatic Shift ◽  
Political Ferment

Examining the chain of events of 1926, this chapter sets the scene for the dramatic shift in the political situation that took place in late 1926. It tracks the friendly relations between Richardson and Ta’isi whilst Ta’isi was absent from Sāmoa for many months in 1926, spending an extended period in Sydney being treated for an unspecified illness. It also outlines the political ferment in Sydney at this time around race and empire that Ta’isi would have been exposed to and how this connected with reports Ta’isi was receiving in Sydney of Richardson’s increasingly authoritarian governing style. It concludes with Richardson’s effusive speech welcoming Ta’isi back to Sāmoa, Richardson’s secret communications with a New Zealand official where he learnt that Ta’isi had raised concerns about his governing style with the New Zealand prime minister and the public meetings in late 1926 where three Sāmoan communities – Europeans, afakasis, Sāmoans – came together to politically organize. These meetings, chaired by Ta’isi, would become watershed moments.

Liberty, Virtue, and Republicanism: 1776–1787

1977 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
John T. Agresto
Keyword(s):  
Civic Virtue ◽  
Moral Character ◽  
The Political ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
Absolute Necessity ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Modern Republicanism ◽  
Made In ◽  
The Revolution

In recent years two ideas concerning America's republicanism have gained fairly general currency. First, there is now a growing recognition that a shift in understanding occurred in the decade after the revolution over the nature of republicanism and the political, social, and moral prerequisites necessary for establishing such a government. In particular, the notion of the absolute necessity of “virtue” or “public spiritedness” as the operative principle of republicanism became, for most American political thinkers, not only problematic but nearly indefensible. Second, there is a growing body of literature, journalistic and popular as well as scholarly, calling upon us to reopen the question of civic virtue and to reexamine anew its connection with republican health. After briefly reviewing the theoretical and practical connections made in the revolutionary era between virtue and self-government, this article will attempt to trace the causes for the early declension of the necessity of virtue in America's understanding of the foundations of republicanism. This accomplished, concerned citizens might then be able to evaluate more carefully the contemporary rediscovery of the links between moral character and modern republicanism by contemporary scholars and public men.

The Congress Party Model: South Africa's African National Congress (ANC) and India's Indian National Congress (INC) as Dominant Parties

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thiven Reddy
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Party System ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nationalist Movements ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Congress Party ◽  
Dominant Parties ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Indian National Congress

Abstract The paper argues that the model developed to analyze the dominance of the Indian National Congress of the political party system during the first two decades of independence helps in our understanding of the unfolding party system in South Africa. A comparison of the Congress Party and the African National Congress suggests many similarities. The paper is divided into three broad sections. The first part focuses on the dominant party system in India. In the second part, I apply the model of the Congress System to South Africa. I argue that the three features of the Congress System – a dominant party with mass based legitimacy, constituted by many factions and operating on the idiom of consensus-seeking internal politics, and sources of opposition who cooperate with factions in the dominant party to influence the political agenda – prevails in South Africa. In the third part, I draw on the comparison between the ANC and Congress Party to account for why certain nationalist movements become dominant parties. I emphasize that broad nationalist movements displaying high degrees of legitimacy and embracing democratic practices are adaptive to changing contexts and develop organizational mechanisms to manage internal party conflict. They contribute to the consolidation of democracy rather than undermine it.

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