Rivalry Attributes and Foreign Policy Alignment Explaining Rivalry De-Escalation via UNGA Voting Patterns

2021 ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
William R. Thompson ◽  
Kentaro Sakuwa ◽  
Prashant Hosur Suhas
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola Chelotti ◽  
Niheer Dasandi ◽  
Slava Jankin Mikhaylov

The question of whether Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) have a socialization effect on member state preferences is central to International Relations. However, empirical studies have struggled to separate the socializing effects of IGOs on preferences from the incentives generated by IGOs that may lead to foreign policy alignment without altering preferences. This paper addresses this shortcoming. We adopt a new approach to measuring state preferences by applying text analytic methods to country statements in the annual UN General Debate (UNGD). The absence of inter-state coordination with UNGD statements makes them ideal for testing socialization effects on state preferences. We focus on the European Union (EU), enabling us to incorporate the pre-accession period – when states have the strongest incentives for foreign policy alignment – into our analysis. The results of our statistical analysis demonstrates that EU membership has a strong socialization effect that produces member state preference convergence, controlling for incentive effects.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 617-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Paquin ◽  
Philippe Beauregard

Abstract. The purpose of this article is to explore the issue of alignment in Canadian foreign policy. The main research question is whether Canada's responses to foreign crises aligned with those of its allies, and if so, which allies and why. The study proceeds in two steps. First, it tests four major theoretical perspectives that could explain Canada's behaviour: continentalism, transatlantism, the Anglosphere argument and unilateralism. By performing a computer-generated content analysis, the article assesses these propositions by focusing on and comparing Canada's official declarations to those of the United States, France and Britain to six foreign crises that occurred between 2004 and 2011. Second, the analysis identifies whether there is a difference between the Harper and Martin governments' responses to foreign crises. The research provides quantitative and qualitative evidence suggesting that Canada's foreign policy alignment primarily tends toward a transatlantic orientation. It also shows that the Harper government was less in line with Washington than was the previous Liberal government of Paul Martin, which challenges the conventional wisdom of Canadian foreign policy.Résumé. Cet article explore l'enjeu de l'alignement en politique étrangère canadienne et pose la question de recherche suivante : est-ce qu'à l'égard des crises étrangère le Canada s'aligne sur les positions de ses alliés et, si oui, lesquels et pourquoi? Tout d'abord, l'article présente quatre perspectives théoriques susceptibles d'expliquer le comportement du Canada : le continentalisme, le transatlantisme, la thèse de l'anglosphère et celle de l'unilatéralisme. En ayant recours à une analyse de contenu assistée par ordinateur, cet article teste la validité de ces propositions en comparant les déclarations officielles du Canada à celles des États-Unis, de la France et de l'Angleterre à l'égard de six crises survenues entre 2004 et 2011. Ensuite, l'analyse cherche à identifier s'il y a une différence entre les réponses des gouvernements Harper et Martin à l'égard de ces crises. L'étude fournit des données empiriques de type qualitatif et quantitatif qui suggèrent que le Canada a eu une orientation transatlantique lors de la gestion de ces crises internationales. Elle montre également que le gouvernement Harper est moins aligné sur les positions de Washington que ne le fut le précédent gouvernement libéral, ce qui ébranle certaines idées communément admises en politique étrangère canadienne.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-354
Author(s):  
John P. Tuman ◽  
Jonathan R. Strand ◽  
Majid Shirali

AbstractMany scholars have suggested that Japan aligned its foreign policy with the US War on Terror. Part of Japan's alignment is said to have involved disbursement of foreign aid to support the US in Afghanistan and Iraq, and with other security interests associated with the War on Terror. To date, however, there has been little empirical study of this question. Employing a data set on Japanese aid to 133 countries between 1995 and 2008, we examine the War on Terror and Japanese ODA. We find that Japanese aid was aligned with some security interests in the War on Terror, but the effects were mixed.


Itinerario ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
W.J. Boot

In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.


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