scholarly journals Do Intergovernmental Organizations Have a Socialization Effect on Member State Preferences? Evidence from the UN General Debate

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola Chelotti ◽  
Niheer Dasandi ◽  
Slava Jankin Mikhaylov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Member State ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
State Preference ◽  
Policy Alignment ◽  
State Coordination ◽  
State Preferences

The question of whether Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) have a socialization effect on member state preferences is central to International Relations. However, empirical studies have struggled to separate the socializing effects of IGOs on preferences from the incentives generated by IGOs that may lead to foreign policy alignment without altering preferences. This paper addresses this shortcoming. We adopt a new approach to measuring state preferences by applying text analytic methods to country statements in the annual UN General Debate (UNGD). The absence of inter-state coordination with UNGD statements makes them ideal for testing socialization effects on state preferences. We focus on the European Union (EU), enabling us to incorporate the pre-accession period – when states have the strongest incentives for foreign policy alignment – into our analysis. The results of our statistical analysis demonstrates that EU membership has a strong socialization effect that produces member state preference convergence, controlling for incentive effects.

Always One Step Behind? National Legislatures and the European Union

1999 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tapio Raunio
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Member State ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
State Constitutions ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
One Step ◽  
Council Of Ministers

NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS ARE CENTRAL ACTORS IN THE SCRUTINY AND implementation of European Union (EU) legislation. Member state legislatures provide a channel for incorporating public opinion into the governance of the Union. Their importance has become more evident during the 1990s as debate has focused on the democratic deficit and deparliamentarization of European governance.National parliaments are involved in EU decision-making in three ways: they 1) participate in national policy formulation on Union legislation; 2) monitor the behaviour of member state representatives in the Council of Ministers and the European Council; and 3) have functions specifically regulated in the treaties, such as ratification of treaty amendments and implementation of directives. The third function differs from the first two as the treaties impose rights and duties on the national parliaments, whereas there is no EU law on national policy formulation on Union legislation or on the scrutiny of ministers. During the 1996-97 Intergovernmental Conference (ICC) the member states saw no need for such European-level regulation. Thus it is up to each national parliament – within the limits set by member state constitutions and other constraints – to decide how it deals with the challenges brought by EU membership.

African Foreign Policies

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
John James Quinn
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
Weak States ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
The World Bank ◽  
Multilateral Institutions ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Cross National

Studies on African foreign policies, and the process involved with their formation, have received much less attention compared to other aspects of African studies. Most have been in-depth case studies illustrating how foreign policy decisions are centered on common concerns for the region, such as decolonization, nation building, economic and political autonomy, and Cold War competition. As such, most diplomacy is conducted with close neighbors, former colonial powers, or the super powers. Much is also conducted within intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). Interactions with multilateral institutions—the World Bank and IMF—also feature prominently. Most analyses indicate that foreign policy has been in the hands of a president, who has conducted it primarily as a means of consolidating or maintaining domestic rule. African foreign policies also tend to reflect the reality that most are small and weak states. A strand of empirical comparative foreign policy literature on Africa does exist, examining things such as UN voting or level of diplomatic activity. Finally, much literature on African foreign policies is embedded in African international relations and focuses on the choices of leaders within larger historic, material, ideological, and international contexts. Most scholars, but not all, eschew an analysis using a single paradigm: eclectic, historical approaches seem to be more common than either cross-national empirical studies or paradigmatically pristine approaches. With this in mind, African foreign policies must respond to, and evolve with, changing international and regional contexts, especially any with significant shifts in geopolitical power.

scholarly journals Democratization and Foreign Policy Reforms in Turkey: Europeanization of Turkish Politics?

2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yaprak Gürsoy
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Policy Reforms ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Divergence Of Opinion ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe European Union membership process has had an impact on Turkish domestic politics and foreign policy. However, when compared with previous candidate countries to the EU, the Europeanization of politics in Turkey has not been an even process. The reformation of politics in Turkey has had three main characteristics. First, instead of the pace of the reforms being linear, there has been a periodic rise and fall of interest in introducing amendments. Second, the reforms have not necessarily replaced past practices, rather they have only introduced new ones in addition to the old ways of doing politics. Finally, there has been considerable opposition to the reforms in Turkey, partially because the government does not seem to follow the liberal-democratic trajectory set out by the EU membership process. The delays in enacting the constitutional and legal changes and the biased selection of laws and practices that are being amended do not give the impression that the government is sincere. Whether the amendments are in fact Europeanizing Turkey or pulling it away from its Western and secular political framework is a significant question leading to conflict among different factions in society. This divergence of opinion, in turn, results in further stalling the reforms.

13. Europeanization and Member State Institutions

2020 ◽  
pp. 301-330
Author(s):  
Hussein Kassim ◽  
Vanessa Buth
Keyword(s):  
Member State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Legal Traditions ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines the impact of Europeanization on member state institutions. Membership in the European Union imposes a variety of constraints and burdens on countries, but it also affords important opportunities and makes available significant resources. Integration initially reinforced the decline of national legislatures, but they have fought back in the last decade. National courts have assumed new functions and become part of a wider Community of law. At the same, the precise effects of the EU have varied cross-nationally as the demands of membership have interacted with differing constitutional arrangements, legal traditions, and political cultures. Moreover, national institutions such as governments, parliaments, and courts have left their mark on the EU and determine to a large extent the capacities of the Union as a system. The chapter considers how EU membership has affected national governments, national parliaments, and national courts.

scholarly journals Wightman et al. v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union

2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-805
Author(s):  
Danae Azaria
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Member State ◽  
European Council ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
The Eu

The CJEU held that the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) is allowed to unilaterally revoke the notification of its intention to withdraw from the European Union (EU) as long as the revocation is submitted in writing to the European Council before the UK's withdrawal takes effect, and as long as the revocation is “unequivocal and unconditional, that is to say that the purpose of that revocation is to confirm the EU membership of the member state concerned under terms that are unchanged as regards its status as a member state, and that revocation brings the withdrawal procedure to an end” (para. 74).

Ukraina między Wschodem a Zachodem. Stanowisko Polski wobec akcesji Ukrainy do NATO i Unii Europejskiej

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-275
Author(s):  
Józef M. Fiszer
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Determinants ◽  
Strategic Objective ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Eu

This article is devoted to Ukraine; its focus is to present geopolitical and geo-economic determinants of its foreign policy. They are the source of a dilemma for those who govern Ukraine and since 1991 have been looking for strategic directions of development and cooperation with both the East and the West. In practice, this amounts to balancing between Russia and the European Union, and the dilemma of whether to apply for accession to NATO and the EU or to strengthen cooperation with Russia has a significant impact on Ukraine’s internal and foreign policy from the moment of regaining independence to the present day. This difficult choice is determined by many historical, cultural, social, economic and international factors. Moreover, in this article I present Poland’s position on the Ukrainian dilemma and on Ukraine’s accession to NATO and the European Union. I try to answer a few questions about this, such as which of these options is better for Ukraine, whether western or eastern, and which of them is better for Poland and its reasons for state. I would like to put forward a few theses and hypotheses here. Among other things, I would like to state that Ukraine should pursue a realistic policy, i.e. it should not succumb to illusions and should tread firmly on the ground. NATO and the EU membership should be a strategic objective of its foreign policy. To this end, Ukraine should also cooperate with Poland, which consistently supports the policy of NATO and EU enlargement to the East, and with the European Union and the United States.

scholarly journals The Brexit deterrent? How member state exit shapes public support for the European Union

2021 ◽  
pp. 146511652110327
Author(s):  
Sara B Hobolt ◽  
Sebastian Adrian Popa ◽  
Wouter Van der Brug ◽  
Hermann Schmitt
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Member State ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Economic Consequences ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Positive Information ◽  
Decision To Leave ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
European Election ◽  
The Eu

What are the effects on public support for the European Union (EU) when a member state exits? We examine this question in the context of Britain's momentous decision to leave the EU. Combining analyses of the European Election Study 2019 and a unique survey-embedded experiment conducted in all member states, we analyse the effect of Brexit on support for membership among citizens in the EU-27. The experimental evidence shows that while information about the negative economic consequences of Brexit had no significant effect, positive information about Britain's sovereignty significantly increased optimism about leaving the EU. Our findings suggest that Brexit acts as a benchmark for citizens’ evaluations of EU membership across EU-27, and that it may not continue to act as a deterrent in the future.

The European Union and the Democratization Process of the Western Balkans

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Ješe Perković
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Weak Institutions ◽  
Policy Tool ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The Eu

This paper considers democratization process in the Western Balkans and the influence of the European Union on this process. After the fall of communism European Union has been deeply involved in the transformation of the post-communist societies in the Eastern Europe. The lack of democratic tradition, complexity of democratic process, weak institutions and weak civil society have been among the main obstacles for quick transition. Yet many authors have argued that the EU membership has been one of the most important foreign policy goals of the post-socialist governments and a foreign policy tool of European Union. The EU has been using a leverage of prospect of EU membership and EU conditionality for implementing certain policies, hence trying to encourage the democratization process. This paper compares a democratization process in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) with one in the Western Balkans, and looks at EU conditionality and its impact on the democratization process of the Western Balkan states. We argue that the prospect of EU membership has influenced democratization in the Western Balkans to some extent, but the implementation of reforms has been superficial in some policy areas due to ostensible compliance with EU rules of the political elites.

The Corruption Eruption in East-Central Europe: The Increased Salience of Corruption and the Role of Intergovernmental Organizations

2006 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-549 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandru Grigorescu
Keyword(s):  
Central Europe ◽  
Press Coverage ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
The European Union ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Economic Developments

This article focuses on the increased salience of corruption in East-Central Europe. It shows that press coverage of the issue is much greater than in the past and also greater than in other regions with comparable or higher levels of corruption. This finding is relevant because anticorruption rhetoric can have an important impact on political and economic developments, one that is partially independent of the actual levels of corruption. The study investigates several domestic and international factors that may have led to this development and finds that the role of intergovernmental organizations has been essential in bringing the issue to the forefront of public debates. Moreover, it shows that the European Union has recently been more effective in raising the salience of corruption in the region than other organizations. The article concludes with a discussion of the effect that EU membership may have on future anticorruption rhetoric and policies.

scholarly journals Роль Польщі у трансформації європейської східної політики після Холодної війни

2021 ◽  
pp. 209-222
Author(s):  
Teresa Astramowicz-Leyk ◽  
Dominika Anna Rosłoń ◽  
Yaryna Turchyn
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Member State ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Declaration Of Independence ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Orange Revolution ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Eu

Poland’s eastern policy focused on three interrelated issues: Polish-German reconciliation; the recognition of the first declaration of independence of the Ukraine, Belarus, and Lithuania and their new borders, with emphasis on the strategic importance of these declarations for Polish sovereignty; and the attempts to establish strong relations with these countries. One of the goals of Poland’s eastern policy was to establish a free and democratic Poland in a democratic and peaceful Europe, and these efforts paved the way to reconciliation with Germany and Poland’s admission to the NATO and the European Union. Poland’s eastern policy before and after Poland’s accession to the EU was shaped by several factors. Firstly, Poland had to fulfil the requirements for EU membership, whereas the EU had to meet Poland’s demands. Secondly, Poland had made several attempts to initiate institutional changesin the EU before it became an EU Member State. Thirdly, Poland’s eastern policy was influenced by the Ukrainian political crisis of 2004 and its outcome, in particular Polish involvement in the Orange Revolution (2004) in the Ukraine. According to most Polish observers, the EU’s involvement in the Ukrainian crisis testified to the absence of a cohesive eastern policy in the EU.

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