scholarly journals FOREIGN POLICY ALIGNMENT OF THE WESTERN BALKAN COUNTRIES WITH THE EU’S RUSSIA POLICY SINCE THE ANNEXATION OF CRIMEA

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 85-93
Author(s):  
O.I. Hleba ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 141-160
Author(s):  
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk

Under the shadow of these observations and findings, the AKP has realised that Turkey’s Western-oriented laik foreign policy has not been serving the new interests of Turkey, and so it aims to establish deeper relations with the Balkan countries, but particularly with the Muslims of these countries. Turkey has in fact been preferring to serve the Ummah, instead of expanding relations with all components of the Balkans, in spite of the fragile economic conditions prevailing in the region. Even though the socio-political elites of the host countries are pleased with these initiatives, they are at the same time suspicious. Hence, this mostly single-sided and religion-oriented investment approach is one of the significant indicators of how its preferences make Turkey an ambiguous power in the region.


Author(s):  
Graham Avery

This chapter focuses on the expansion of the European Union and the widening of Europe. Enlargement is often seen as the EU's most successful foreign policy. It has extended prosperity, stability, and good governance to neighbouring countries by means of its membership criteria. However, enlargement is much more than foreign policy: it is the process whereby the external becomes internal. It is about how non-member countries become members, and shape the development of the EU itself. The chapter first compares widening and deepening before discussing enlargement as soft power. It then explains how the EU has expanded and why countries want to join. It also looks at prospective member states: the Balkan countries, Turkey, Norway, Switzerland, and Iceland. Finally, it examines the European Neighbourhood Policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-441
Author(s):  
Nebojsa Vukovic

In this paper, the author states and proves the hypothesis that negative demographic trends in the Republic of Serbia, and in Southeast Europe as a whole, can have a significant influence on the pursuing of the foreign policy of both Serbia and its neighboring countries. According to the anticipations of the relevant institutions and individuals-scientists, in the forthcoming decades, Serbia and other Southeast European countries (except the areas inhabited by the Albanians, although they themselves have also deeply stepped into the process of the so-called demographic transition) may expect to face the continuation of the unfavorable demographic trends - a decrease in the number of the inhabitants and an increasingly older population. The main reasons for the stated are the falling rate of natality and migrations of an economic character of the Western developed countries. Due to that, differently from the previous historical periods, it may be expected that the Balkan countries will, for the first time, change their foreign?policy focus - from managing, acquiring and controlling territories (geopolitics) towards managing, acquiring and controlling the population (demo politics). In other words, Serbia and the Balkan countries can, for the first time, be more focused on their own selves and their most critical demographic-political-safety aspect - their decreasing number of inhabitants and increasingly older populations - and less on, historically observed, the traditional goal - the enlargement and control of the territory. This means that, with an increasingly smaller and increasingly older population, the armed conflicts whose basic ambitions would be to change the borders would gradually become increasingly less socially accepted. The author does not consider that the territorial integrity ceases to be an important priority for each one of the Southeast European countries and that geopolitics is completely losing its significance in the Balkans, but he rather asserts that the geopolitical goals that would imply changing the borders are losing their attractiveness in the societies that are rapidly losing their populations. The only exception in that sense is the Albanian ethnic community, whose demographic characteristics partly differ from the Balkan and, generally, European trends. Simultaneously, faced with a decrease in and the aging of their populations, the Balkan countries could find the common basis for a coordinated foreign and safety policy and share costs and resources in facing different safety challenges.


2020 ◽  
pp. 203-235
Author(s):  
M. Hakan Yavuz

The chapter summarizes reactions to neo-Ottomanism in the former Ottoman territories of the Balkans and the Middle East. After a brief recap of the region’s Ottoman legacy, the chapter traces how Balkan countries (Serbia, Greece, Albania, and Bosnia) responded to neo-Ottomanism in their respective foreign policy discourses. The chapter also reviews how Arab societies remember the Ottoman period by distilling the secular-nationalist appropriation of the Ottoman Empire as backward, alien, and defined by Turkish colonial rule. In response to this secularist-nationalist reading of the Ottomans, Islamic-oriented segments of the population consider the Ottoman Empire as part of their history. They regard it as the vanguard of anti-colonial rule protecting Muslims against European colonialism. The chapter’s final section summarizes how Erdoğan became a popular figurehead for Muslim groups in the region amid the backdrop of the Arab Spring and Turkey’s growing isolation from its traditional partners in the global community.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola Chelotti ◽  
Niheer Dasandi ◽  
Slava Jankin Mikhaylov

The question of whether Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) have a socialization effect on member state preferences is central to International Relations. However, empirical studies have struggled to separate the socializing effects of IGOs on preferences from the incentives generated by IGOs that may lead to foreign policy alignment without altering preferences. This paper addresses this shortcoming. We adopt a new approach to measuring state preferences by applying text analytic methods to country statements in the annual UN General Debate (UNGD). The absence of inter-state coordination with UNGD statements makes them ideal for testing socialization effects on state preferences. We focus on the European Union (EU), enabling us to incorporate the pre-accession period – when states have the strongest incentives for foreign policy alignment – into our analysis. The results of our statistical analysis demonstrates that EU membership has a strong socialization effect that produces member state preference convergence, controlling for incentive effects.


Author(s):  
Mariana Echimovich ◽  
Vitaliy Alekseevich Danilov ◽  
Zarina Fazlitdinovna Mardonova ◽  
Maxim Kirillovich Karpukhin

This article traces the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration over the period from the mid-1990s to 2020. The key goal lies in the analysis of formation and development of the European and Euro-Atlantic vectors in foreign policy of the Western Balkans. The relevance of the selected topic is defined by fact that all Western Balkan countries are somehow involved in the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, which prompts transformations in their home and foreign policy. In post-Cold War era, the Western Balkans depart from their foreign policy course, which they have followed since the end of the World War II. The conflicts that were related to dissolution of Yugoslavia underline the expansion of influence of the North Atlantic Alliance as the major “peacekeeper”, and the European Union, which took on the role of post-conflict settlement. In the under their influence. Tracing the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkans within the framework of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration defines the scientific novelty of this research. The acquired conclusions can be implemented in theoretical and practical activity. The article explores the regional initiatives of NATO and EU, which were aimed at stabilization of the Western Balkan region through transformation of state and social institutions, development of interstate cooperation, and involvement in regional integration processes. For determination of the role of the European Union and NATO in foreign policy of the Western Balkans, the author analyzed the doctrinal documents of the Western Balkan countries, which highlighted the priority of European and Euro-Atlantic vector.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 617-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Paquin ◽  
Philippe Beauregard

Abstract. The purpose of this article is to explore the issue of alignment in Canadian foreign policy. The main research question is whether Canada's responses to foreign crises aligned with those of its allies, and if so, which allies and why. The study proceeds in two steps. First, it tests four major theoretical perspectives that could explain Canada's behaviour: continentalism, transatlantism, the Anglosphere argument and unilateralism. By performing a computer-generated content analysis, the article assesses these propositions by focusing on and comparing Canada's official declarations to those of the United States, France and Britain to six foreign crises that occurred between 2004 and 2011. Second, the analysis identifies whether there is a difference between the Harper and Martin governments' responses to foreign crises. The research provides quantitative and qualitative evidence suggesting that Canada's foreign policy alignment primarily tends toward a transatlantic orientation. It also shows that the Harper government was less in line with Washington than was the previous Liberal government of Paul Martin, which challenges the conventional wisdom of Canadian foreign policy.Résumé. Cet article explore l'enjeu de l'alignement en politique étrangère canadienne et pose la question de recherche suivante : est-ce qu'à l'égard des crises étrangère le Canada s'aligne sur les positions de ses alliés et, si oui, lesquels et pourquoi? Tout d'abord, l'article présente quatre perspectives théoriques susceptibles d'expliquer le comportement du Canada : le continentalisme, le transatlantisme, la thèse de l'anglosphère et celle de l'unilatéralisme. En ayant recours à une analyse de contenu assistée par ordinateur, cet article teste la validité de ces propositions en comparant les déclarations officielles du Canada à celles des États-Unis, de la France et de l'Angleterre à l'égard de six crises survenues entre 2004 et 2011. Ensuite, l'analyse cherche à identifier s'il y a une différence entre les réponses des gouvernements Harper et Martin à l'égard de ces crises. L'étude fournit des données empiriques de type qualitatif et quantitatif qui suggèrent que le Canada a eu une orientation transatlantique lors de la gestion de ces crises internationales. Elle montre également que le gouvernement Harper est moins aligné sur les positions de Washington que ne le fut le précédent gouvernement libéral, ce qui ébranle certaines idées communément admises en politique étrangère canadienne.


2021 ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
William R. Thompson ◽  
Kentaro Sakuwa ◽  
Prashant Hosur Suhas

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