Shedding Light on Canada's Foreign Policy Alignment

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 617-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Paquin ◽  
Philippe Beauregard
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Research Question ◽  
The United States ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
Liberal Government ◽  
Policy Alignment ◽  
Analyse De Contenu ◽  
Le Canada

Abstract. The purpose of this article is to explore the issue of alignment in Canadian foreign policy. The main research question is whether Canada's responses to foreign crises aligned with those of its allies, and if so, which allies and why. The study proceeds in two steps. First, it tests four major theoretical perspectives that could explain Canada's behaviour: continentalism, transatlantism, the Anglosphere argument and unilateralism. By performing a computer-generated content analysis, the article assesses these propositions by focusing on and comparing Canada's official declarations to those of the United States, France and Britain to six foreign crises that occurred between 2004 and 2011. Second, the analysis identifies whether there is a difference between the Harper and Martin governments' responses to foreign crises. The research provides quantitative and qualitative evidence suggesting that Canada's foreign policy alignment primarily tends toward a transatlantic orientation. It also shows that the Harper government was less in line with Washington than was the previous Liberal government of Paul Martin, which challenges the conventional wisdom of Canadian foreign policy.Résumé. Cet article explore l'enjeu de l'alignement en politique étrangère canadienne et pose la question de recherche suivante : est-ce qu'à l'égard des crises étrangère le Canada s'aligne sur les positions de ses alliés et, si oui, lesquels et pourquoi? Tout d'abord, l'article présente quatre perspectives théoriques susceptibles d'expliquer le comportement du Canada : le continentalisme, le transatlantisme, la thèse de l'anglosphère et celle de l'unilatéralisme. En ayant recours à une analyse de contenu assistée par ordinateur, cet article teste la validité de ces propositions en comparant les déclarations officielles du Canada à celles des États-Unis, de la France et de l'Angleterre à l'égard de six crises survenues entre 2004 et 2011. Ensuite, l'analyse cherche à identifier s'il y a une différence entre les réponses des gouvernements Harper et Martin à l'égard de ces crises. L'étude fournit des données empiriques de type qualitatif et quantitatif qui suggèrent que le Canada a eu une orientation transatlantique lors de la gestion de ces crises internationales. Elle montre également que le gouvernement Harper est moins aligné sur les positions de Washington que ne le fut le précédent gouvernement libéral, ce qui ébranle certaines idées communément admises en politique étrangère canadienne.

Identités ethnoculturelles et politique étrangère : le cas de la politique française du Canada

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-140
Author(s):  
Justin Massie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Strategic Culture ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
Le Canada

Résumé.Cet article propose, grâce à la notion de culture stratégique, une articulation du lien entre identité et politique étrangère. Il met plus particulièrement l'accent sur les effets des identités ethnoculturelles (anglophone et francophone) sur la politique de sécurité internationale du Canada, et soutient l'hypothèse qu'il en résulte une culture stratégique atlantiste et biculturelle, laquelle accorde une importance particulière à la France (de même qu'à la Grande-Bretagne et aux États-Unis). Il ressort de l'analyse historique de celle-ci que la centralité des identités ethnoculturelles canadiennes permet de mieux comprendre l'importance particulière dont jouit la France sur les limites normatives du multilatéralisme et de la légitimité de recourir à la force militaire par le Canada.Abstract.This article seeks to provide a constructivist account of Canadian foreign policy, linking identity and policy, through the concept of strategic culture. It focuses on Canada's dual ethnocultural identities (Anglophone and Francophone) and the bicultural and Atlanticist strategic culture that stems from it. It argues that this strategic culture helps explain France's significant importance (together with the United Kingdom and the United States) in defining the normative boundaries of Canada's multilateralism and legitimacy to use of military force abroad.

scholarly journals Assessing Russia’s New Interaction with Africa: Energy Diplomacy, Arms Exports and Mineral Resource Markets

2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Research Question ◽  
The United States ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Special Importance ◽  
African Continent ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Major Supplier ◽  
Energy Diplomacy

In recent years, Russian President Vladimir Putin increasingly places a high premium on re-building Russia’s global influence, which includes a boosting of Russia’s relations with the African continent. This coincides with Putin’s position that the strengthening of ties with African states is a Russian foreign policy priority. Moreover, there is little doubt that much of Moscow’s new involvement in Africa relates to Putin’s desire to revive his country’s great-power status. The main research question is: What is behind Moscow’s renewed push into the continent? Three areas of Russia-Africa relations of special importance are suggested in this article. Firstly, much of Russia’s focus on the African continent centres on energy diplomacy. Secondly, Russia is the second largest exporter of arms globally after the United States, and Moscow is a major supplier of weapons and military aid to Africa. Thirdly, the continent is rich in mineral wealth, and Moscow has an economic interest in mineral riches in Africa. This article argues the above-mentioned issues are the main drivers underlying Russia’s renewed strategic engagement with the African continent. The article further reflects on whether Russia’s foreign policy successes in Africa have been overblown, or whether Russia’s renewed engagement with Africa is actually of considerable significance in the global context and from an African point of view.

scholarly journals Une ouverture sur le monde: la nouvelle politique étrangère canadienne du gouvernement Chrétien

2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Kirton
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Important Change ◽  
Pierre Trudeau ◽  
Strategic Process ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Elements ◽  
Liberal Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Substantial Change

When the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien was elected with its strong majority mandate in October 1993, there were few prospects of any substantial change in the long established liberal-internationalist foundations of Canadian foreign policy. As the government moves into the second half of its mandate, however, it is clear that important change has taken place. Both Pearsonian internationalism and Trudeauvian nationalism have been swept away as the central elements in Canadian foreign policy, in favour of an assertive globalism. Although many of these changes were introduced by the Mulroney government and flourished in its later years, under Chrétien the transformation has acquired new strength and speed. Yet because it is largely a reactive rather than strategic process, devoid of the vision which Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau brought into office, there mil continue to be periodic]'allures, difficult adjustments and opportunities missed.

scholarly journals SKYHAWK, SKYSHIELD, AND THE SOVIETS: REVISITING CANADA'S COLD WAR

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 453-475
Author(s):  
ASA MCKERCHER ◽  
TIMOTHY ANDREWS SAYLE
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Full Account ◽  
The Past ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractFor the past two decades, Canadian international historians have largely missed the Cold War, or at least a significant portion of it. Certainly, there has been no shortage of studies of Canadian foreign policy featuring the bipolar struggle, and yet historians have largely confined their attention to Canada's admittedly crucial relationship with the United States, while Canadian–Soviet relations have been ignored. Indeed, in the historiography of Canada's Cold War international relations, the communist powers are largely missing. Hoping to challenge this limited focus, we frame our article around two Canada–US air defence exercises held in 1959 and 1960. While historians have viewed these exercises within the context of Canada's relationship with the United States, we highlight the wider Cold War framework in which Canadian policy was formed. After all, these exercises occurred during the mini-détente of the late 1950s and the collapse of the Paris summit in May 1960. As we demonstrate, the failure to take full account of the Cold War is a shortcoming of much of the writing on Canadian international relations, and so we offer an example of the need to take seriously Canada's foreign policy toward the communist bloc.

American neutral rights reappraised: identity or interest in the foreign policy of the early Republic?

2000 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 599-622 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES SOFKA
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Early Republic ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Early American ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Relationship Of

This article analyses the early American commitment to maintaining its neutral rights from several theoretical perspectives. Rejecting recent constructivist interpretations as unsubstantiated by the empirical evidence, it concludes that early American leaders largely mirrored traditional eighteenth century mercantilist practices to suit the interests of the United States. In particular, Jefferson's ‘two-tiered’ approach to the international system was based on astringent calculations of power rather than prevailing notions of ‘republicanism’. This ideology, while manifest in partisan rhetoric, had little measurable impact on the conduct of early American neutral rights policy. By focusing on the relationship of theory and practice in this context, this article offers a case study of the role of norms and ideology in the shaping of foreign policy in a republican state.

scholarly journals The U.S. Space Force in a geopolitical context: Peaceful development or arming of outer space?

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 653-677
Author(s):  
Bogdan Stojanovic
Keyword(s):  
Technological Development ◽  
Outer Space ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Research Question ◽  
The United States ◽  
Main Research ◽  
State Supervision ◽  
Conventional Weapons ◽  
Peaceful Development ◽  
The U.S

The main research question in this article is how much the establishment of the U.S. Space Force has influenced other countries to accelerate their space activities and whether future technological development in space will be peaceful. The newly formed U.S. Space Force is the result of new geopolitical reflections on the importance of outer space as a new type of battlefield between states. International norms forbid weapons of mass destruction in outer space, but not conventional weapons. The author examines the justification and the possibility of establishing an international regime that would limit the future space ambitions of a few capable states. The author uses a comparative method and analysis of state practices to examine who could be the most serious competitor of the United States in the struggle for space domination. The author concludes that space nationalism dominates the practices of states and their aspirations to increase their own power. Although it is too early to reject classical geopolitical views, geopolitics must respect outer space as a new arena of competition. The author also predicts that there will be a place for private actors in that arena, but with strict state supervision. The main conclusion and answer to the research question are that American activities will introduce the race to conquer space to a new speed, including the armament and militarization of outer space.

scholarly journals Problems of Prioritization National Security interest of Energy import-dependent States (Case studies: Georgia and Lithuania)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nana Pirtskhelani
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Security ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Research Question ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Good Opportunity ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
National Energy Security

This paper focuses on studying the prioritization process of national interests of energy import-dependent states. In particular, considering the energy strategy formation processes of Georgia and Lithuania, it explores the interrelation among the objectives of supply security and national security challenges. The reason behind the choice of the given countries was that energy security policies of both countries were formed based on identical characteristics after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Analysis of the mentioned cases offers a good opportunity to explain how foreign policy threats affect national energy security decisions. The study also examines the major factors affecting prioritization of national security interests, providing a possibility to answer the main research question of the paper - what prompts states to pursue less rational policies in terms of energy security, justified by maintaining state sovereignty? Using the securitization concept, the paper also explains what leads to taking steps aimed at solving national security challenges, which may, in turn, lead to the emergence of new types of security challenges. Analysis of the mentioned cases offers a good opportunity to explain how foreign policy threats affect national energy security decisions, whether such threats cause new energy challenges to be subject to political interests and whether it is appropriate for states to pursue such energy policy with the motive of maintaining state sovereignty. The paper indicates that energy policies purely formed based on political interests, may not face the main energy security challenges of the country.

US partisan perceptions of Stephen Harper’s shift in foreign policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Paquin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
White House ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
Dividing Line

While Stephen Harper’s foreign policy sparked heated debates during his entire tenure as prime minister, these debates were mainly confined to Canadian foreign policy circles. Little attention was paid to allies’ perceptions of these developments and, more specifically, to the perception of the United States, Canada’s main economic and security partner. How did the Bush and Obama administrations perceive these changes? Were they seen as a break from Canada’s past? Did Harper’s handling of foreign policy alter White House calculations with respect to Canada? Based on a series of semi-structured interviews conducted in Washington DC with executive officials a few months prior to the end of the Harper era in 2015, this essay shows that despite a widespread perception in Washington that Canada’s foreign policy approach had changed under Harper, partisanship was the main dividing line in terms of how this approach was perceived and assessed.

scholarly journals Attitudes towards Faculty Unions and Collective Bargaining in American and Canadian Universities

2011 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Katchanovski ◽  
Stanley Rothman ◽  
Neil Nevitte
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Research Question ◽  
The United States ◽  
Academic Factors ◽  
Academic Field ◽  
Canadian Universities ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Faculty Unions ◽  
Faculty And Administrators

This study analyzes attitudes towards faculty unions and collective bargaining among faculty and administrators in the United States and Canada. This is the first study which compares support for unionization and collective bargaining in American and Canadian universities among faculty members and administrators. The main research question is: Which factors are the determinants of attitudes towards faculty unions and collective bargaining in American and Canadian universities and colleges? Our hypotheses are that cultural, institutional, political, positional, socio-economic, and academic factors are significant predictors of support for faculty unionization. The academics in Canada are likely to be more supportive of faculty unionism compared to their American counterparts because of differences in national political cultures. Institutional and political factors are also likely to affect such views. This study uses comparative and regression analyses of data from the 1999 North American Academic Study Survey to examine attitudes towards unions and collective bargaining among faculty and administrators in the United States and Canada. The analysis shows that Canadian academics are more supportive of faculty unions and collective bargaining than their American counterparts. These results provide support to the political culture hypothesis. However, the study shows that institutional, political, positional, socio-economic and academic factors are also important in many cases. A faculty bargaining agent on campus is positively associated with favorable views of faculty unions and collective bargaining among American professors and with administrators’ support for collective bargaining in both countries. Administrators’ opposition is also important, in particular, for attitudes of Canadian faculty. Professors are more pro-union than administrators in both countries. Income, gender, race, age, religion, and academic field, are significant determinants of attitudes of faculty and administrators in the US and Canada in certain cases.

From Lip Service to Neglect: the Evolution of Canadian Foreign Policy and the Genocide in Darfur

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Yorke
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Financial Aid ◽  
The United States ◽  
Canadian Forces ◽  
Afghanistan War ◽  
Government Action ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
Peace And Security

The purpose of this essay is to examine the evolution of Canada’s policy in response to the Darfur genocide since 2003. In this light, this essay will first outline Paul Martin’s policy during his prime ministership and then analyze Prime Minster Stephen Harper’s policy since his election in 2006. This examination will demonstrate that a considerable divide occurred in Canadian foreign policy during Martin’s prime ministership. Martin’s rhetoric concerning Canada’s contribution to stopping the Darfur genocide became so exaggerated that it was impossible for government action to accommodate. By contrast, although Harper’s limited action in sending financial aid and military expertise to Darfur mirrors that of his predecessor, Harper has effectively taken the air out of Martin’s inflated rhetoric. Harper’s reluctance to publicly address Canada’s response to the Darfur genocide represents a divergence from the trend in contemporary Canadian foreign policy; in other words, Harper’s rhetoric matches his government’s action. Why the drastic change? As this essay will argue, Harper’s deflated rhetoric on the Darfur genocide is the by-product of his strategy to focus his foreign policy message on missions that will achieve the most political points at home, namely, militarizing the Afghanistan war, ensuring closer ties with the United States, satisfying the Canadian Forces, and defining himself in relation to the previous and present Liberals as a decisive leader. In short, Harper has largely neglected the Darfur genocide in order to position himself as a decisive leader concerned with issues of peace and security instead of issues of development and human rights.

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