Determinants of working-class political ideology: A Mexican case study

1976 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 39-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Handelman
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political Ideology

Islamic Law and Political Ideology

2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-66
Author(s):  
Nesya Shemer
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
The West ◽  
Process Of Change ◽  
Muslim Scholar ◽  
Methodological Principles

This article suggests a new way of looking at the preeminent methodological principles informing the oeuvre of Yusuf al-Qaradawi, the greatest Muslim scholar of our generation, specificallywith regard to his rulings for and about Muslims living in Europe.The case study presented here is taken from the field of Muslimprayer law, a field that has to date been subjected to very little research.By comparing the discussions of classical Muslim scholarson the topic with the new interpretations proffered by al-Qaradawi,one can notice the process of change undergone by the Shari‘ahconcerning prayer under extraordinary circumstances from Islam’searly days down to the present. We can also see how his politicaloutlooks have influenced his ruling on this issue and the discussionthereof among Muslims who do not reside in the West.

scholarly journals Between Pleasure and Resistance: The Role of Substance Consumption in an Italian Working-Class Subculture

Societies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Placido
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Cultural Practices ◽  
Critical Criminology ◽  
Ethnographic Case Study ◽  
Youth Cultures ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Substance Consumption ◽  
North Western

In this article I discuss how illegal substance consumption can act as a tool of resistance and as an identity signifier for young people through a covert ethnographic case study of a working-class subculture in Genoa, North-Western Italy. I develop my argument through a coupled reading of the work of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) and more recent post-structural developments in the fields of youth studies and cultural critical criminology. I discuss how these apparently contrasting lines of inquiry, when jointly used, shed light on different aspects of the cultural practices of specific subcultures contributing to reflect on the study of youth cultures and subcultures in today’s society and overcoming some of the ‘dead ends’ of the opposition between the scholarly categories of subculture and post-subculture. In fact, through an analysis of the sites, socialization processes, and hedonistic ethos of the subculture, I show how within a single subculture there could be a coexistence of: resistance practices and subversive styles of expression as the CCCS research program posits; and signs of fragmentary and partial aesthetic engagements devoid of political contents and instead primarily oriented towards the affirmation of the individual, as argued by the adherents of the post-subcultural position.

Making Cartel Conduct Criminal: A Case Study of Ambiguity in Controlling Business Behaviour

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caron Beaton-Wells ◽  
Fiona Haines
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Social Norms ◽  
Criminal Law ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Hard Core ◽  
Australian Society

This article explores the regulation of cartel conduct in Australia focusing, in particular, on the recent decision to criminalise so-called ‘hard-core’ cartels. It illuminates three interdependent ambiguities in regulating such conduct: economic, moral and legal. The case study is drawn on to highlight the challenges for the criminal law in attempting to resolve such ambiguities or tensions as they arise in the regulation of business behaviour generally.We argue that such challenges exist because the ambiguities reflect broader shifts taking place on an ongoing basis in economic policy, political ideology and social norms in Australian society.

Linking Moralisation and Class Identity: The Role of Ressentiment and Respectability in the Social Reaction to ‘Chavs’

2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 18-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elias Le Grand
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Moral Panic ◽  
Class Identity ◽  
Moral Self ◽  
Social Reaction ◽  
The Social ◽  
Dialectical Process ◽  
White Working Class

This paper aims to link two fields of research which have come to form separate lines of inquiry: the sociology of moralisation and studies on class identity. Expanding on recent papers by Young (2009 , 2011 ) and others, the paper argues that the concepts of ressentiment and respectability can be used to connect moralisation processes and the formation of class identities. This is explored through a case study of the social reaction in Britain to white working-class youths labelled ‘chavs’. It is demonstrated that chavs are constructed through moralising discourses and practices, which have some elements of a moral panic. Moreover, moralisation is performative in constructing class identities: chavs have been cast as a ‘non-respectable’ white working-class ‘folk devil’ against whom ‘respectable’ middle-class and working-class people distinguish and identify themselves as morally righteous. Moralising social reactions are here to an important extent triggered by feelings of ressentiment. This is a dialectical process where respectability and ressentiment are tied, not only to the social control of certain non-respectable working-class others, but also to the moral self-governance of the moralisers.

Captain Alfred Dreyfus: A case study in the group dynamics of scapegoating

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold Behr
Keyword(s):  
Group Dynamics ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Emile Zola ◽  
Group Analysis ◽  
French Society ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Army Officer ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
History Of

This article explores the metaphor of the scapegoat by offering a case study taken from the history of France at the turn of the 20th-century. The case is presented of a French army officer, Captain Alfred Dreyfus, whose wrongful conviction for treason created an international sensation and tore French society apart. The author outlines the general features of the scapegoating dynamic and applies them to the Dreyfus case. He sets out the flow of events from Dreyfus’s first trial through to the official declaration of his innocence a century after his conviction, illustrating the tenacity of the scapegoating dynamic when an entire nation is caught up in the process. The view is put forward that it was the dramatic intervention by the novelist Emile Zola in the Dreyfus case which arrested the scapegoating process. The author asks what the implications of this might be for group analysis. At the centre of the Dreyfus case was the fact of his Jewishness. The author depicts anti-Semitism as a deeply rooted set of assumptions based on myths about the Jews. He touches on the origins of these myths in early monotheistic theology and in the political ideology of the Far Left and the Far Right. An explanation is offered for the persistence of these myths in our culture, which may extend to our understanding of myths surrounding other peoples and societies. The author concludes with some reflections on the recurring nature of the scapegoat phenomenon.

The Peronist Left, 1955–1975

1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel James
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Extensive Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Comprehensive Treatment ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social And Economic Development ◽  
The Subject

The ‘Peronist Left’ has become one of the chief actors in the often violent drama of Argentine politics today. It is the object of this article to place the events of the more recent past, at least since the return of Peronism to power in 1973, within the framework of the development of the ‘Peronist Left’ since the fall of Perón in 1955. Obviously the article makes no claim to be a comprehensive treatment of the subject. Such a treatment could only be part of a much more extensive study of the Argentine working class and the Peronist movement. In particular, the article concentrates on an analysis of the political ideology of the different currents that have made up the ‘Peronist Left’ since 1955, whilst recognizing that this ideology must ultimately be seen in the far wider context of the social and economic development of Argentine society. The first part will highlight the main features of this Left in the 1955–73 period and analyze the main currents within it. In the second part of the paper the events of the last two to three years will be looked at within this context.

Political Ideologies and Penality

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zelia A. Gallo
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Crime Control ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Holistic View ◽  
Crime And Punishment ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Close Analysis ◽  
Dominant Ideologies

The literature on contemporary Western punishment presents us with a number of possible approaches to political ideologies and penality. The first approach requires us to ask what different political ideologies have to say about crime and punishment. This entails a close analysis of the ideologies’ main claims on matters of power, authority, and collective co-existence, to see if and how such claims have played out in the penal sphere. Analyses of social democratic penality serve here as useful case studies for such an approach. Such analyses also illustrate the second approach to questions of political ideology and penality. This approach requires us to ask what impact crime has had upon the fate of different ideologies. Have the changing incidence and changing perceptions of crime come to threaten the legitimacy of dominant ideologies? The third approach is that of critique of ideology: penality is studied as ideology, to discern what it conceals about reality and existing power relations. Here the analysis of contemporary UK offences of dangerousness acts as a case study for such an approach. To the extent that offences of dangerousness are rooted in neoliberalism, the discussion also introduces us to debates concerning neoliberalism and penality, in particular the idea that contemporary punishment expresses both the ascendancy of neoliberal doxa, and the decline of existing macro-ideologies such as social democracy. This decline can be seen as a move toward a post-ideological era, in which crime and punishment have come to replace political visions and utopias. However, recent scholarship on political ideologies argues that the latter are ubiquitous and permanent features of political thinking. This implies that the contemporary era cannot be described as post-ideological. Rather, it is an era in which macro-ideologies such as social democracy—which provided a holistic view of social order and comprehensive ideational resources to construct it—have been replaced by thin ideologies—which offer us narrower visions and ambitions. Examples of such thin ideologies include populism and technocracy. It is then possible to study the link between thin-ideologies and penality, a study that is here exemplified by the analysis of populism and penal populism, and technocracy and epistemic crime control. An analysis of thin ideologies and penality can also be undertaken with a normative project in mind, namely that of identifying within these thin ideologies, possible ideational resources that might be used to imagine a better penal future: one that is more moderate, more democratic, and less punitive.

Making emergency responders visible: working-class responses to industrial disaster in 19th-century journalism and poetry

2020 ◽  
pp. medhum-2020-011892
Author(s):  
Rosalyn Buckland
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Emergency Treatment ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Collective Responsibility ◽  
Cultural Shift ◽  
Emergency Responders ◽  
The Face ◽  
Industrial Disaster

Hidden beneath the ground in coalmines, or behind the walls of factories, injured bodies of workers have too often been overlooked. Using the 1842 Hartley Colliery disaster as a case study, this paper contrasts journalistic neglect with the ways in which working-class poets illuminated responses to large-scale injury. Often the greatest difficulty in industrial disaster was in securing access to trapped victims. Arriving late on the scene, neither journalists nor doctors were able to influence the outcome of events: in most cases emergency treatment was provided by workers themselves. While journalists struggled to portray these men’s stories, working-class poets such as Joseph Skipsey brought attention to their collaborative actions even in the face of injury or death. The actions of these colliers as first responders had a lasting significance, foreshadowing working-class involvement in the wider cultural shift towards collective responsibility for healthcare.

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