Uncovering the Political and Moral Dimensions of Technology: A Dialectic Between Classicism and Phenomenology

Human Studies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marinus Ossewaarde
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Moral Dimensions ◽  
Dimensions Of Technology

Misuse or misdesign? Yik Yak on college campuses and the moral dimensions of technology design

First Monday ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qinglan Li ◽  
Ioana Literat
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
College Campuses ◽  
Ethical Considerations ◽  
Technology Design ◽  
Yik Yak ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
Moral Dimensions ◽  
Key Features ◽  
Dimensions Of Technology

Yik Yak, a location-based, anonymous social media app, has been gaining negative attention as a platform that often gives voice to bullying, racism and sexism on college campuses across the country. Integrating research on digital anonymity and cyberbullying, this paper analyzes the key features of Yik Yak and discusses the ethical dimensions of technology design, as illustrated by the Yik Yak case study. Based on this analysis and integrating previous research findings on interaction in digital spaces, we conclude by providing a set of guidelines for integrating ethical considerations into the process of designing social apps, and offer a few directions for further research in this area.

Introduction: Vulnerability and Social Justice

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Brown
Keyword(s):  
Social Issues ◽  
Policy Research ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Vast Array ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Contemporary Life ◽  
Moral Dimensions ◽  
Shared Narrative

At the same time as failures to adequately protect ‘the most vulnerable’ seem to have become a pervasive feature of the political landscape, policies which seek to address vulnerability have proliferated. Government actors, public officers, researchers, media commentators, charities and members of the public alike use vulnerability to articulate an array of personal and political troubles, yet alongside this seemingly shared narrative a multitude of ideologically inclined assumptions and agendas operate by stealth. How vulnerability is drawn upon to frame social issues reworks and reconfigures long-running contestations related to moral dimensions of the welfare subject, understandings of the ‘self’ and wider beliefs about human behaviour. At a time when the pressures of contemporary life increasingly find release through aggression against the socially marginalised (see Wacquant, 2009; Harrison and Sanders, 2014; Atkinson, 2015), vulnerability has become a key concept for social policy research. As I have argued elsewhere, the concept of vulnerability appears to be something of a zeitgeist or ‘spirit of the time’ (Brown, 2014a, 2014b,2015), extending into and shaping responses to a vast array of policy matters.

A Forgotten Voice: The Relevance of P.T. Forsyth for the Nonviolent Atonement Debate

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-26
Author(s):  
Andrew P. Campbell
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Moral Dimensions ◽  
In Christ ◽  
The Cross

ZUSAMMENFASSUNGDieser Aufsatz versucht die zeitgenössische Relevanz der Theologie von P.T. Forsyth auf dem Hintergrund der Kritik an Erlösungstheologien herauszuarbeiten, wie sie von mehreren gewaltfreien Theoretikern geübt wird. Er vertritt das Argument, dass Forsyths Denken von der Kritik dieser gewaltfreien Theoretiker nicht berührt wird, und macht dies in drei Hauptbereichen deutlich. Erstens, Forsyth verwendet die Terminologie von Satisfaktion bzw. Genugtuung, wobei er das Verständnis ablehnt, dass der Vater seinen Zorn stillte, indem er den Sohn am Kreuz strafte; zweitens, er weigert sich, das Leiden Christi auf eine Weise zu verallgemeinern, die nahelegen könnte, dass Leiden als solches Erlösung bewirkt; und drittens, er betont die politische und moralische Dimension der Lehre von der Erlösung und argumentiert, dass der Glaube der Kirche an Christus sich im Wirken für die Entwicklung der Gesellschaft zeigen muss.RÉSUMÉCet article montre l’intérêt de la théologie de P.T. Forsyth dans le contexte actuel des critiques opposées à la doctrine de l’expiation par divers théoriciens de la non-violence. Il montre que les critiques de ces théoriciens ne portent pas à l’encontre de la pensée de Forsyth, et ce dans trois domaines. Premièrement, Forsyth emploie la catégorie de la satisfaction tout en rejetant l’idée que le Père aurait donné cours à sa colère en punissant le Fils sur la croix. Deuxièmement, il refuse de généraliser le discours sur la souffrance de Christ d’une manière qui suggérerait que la souffrance en tant que telle aurait une valeur rédemptrice. Troisièmement, il souligne la portée politique et morale de la doctrine de l’expiation, en argüant que la foi de l’Église en Christ doit se traduire par des oeuvres en vue de la transformation de la société.SUMMARYThis essay seeks to draw out the contemporary relevance of P.T. Forsyth’s theology against the backdrop of the critique of the atonement theologies offered by several nonviolent theorists. It argues that Forsyth’s thinking is not affected by the criticisms of these nonviolent theorists in three main areas. Firstly, he employs the language of satisfaction while rejecting the notion that the Father satisfied his wrath by punishing the Son on the cross; secondly, he refuses to generalise talk of Christ’s suffering in a manner that would suggest that suffering as such is redemptive; and thirdly, he emphasises the political and moral dimensions of the doctrine of atonement, arguing that the Church’s faith in Christ must issue in work for the transformation of society.

EMERGENCY CLAIMS AND DEMOCRATIC ACTION

2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer C. Rubenstein
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Hierarchies ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Democratic Action ◽  
Moral Dimensions

Abstract:The straightforward normative importance of emergencies suggests that empirically engaged political theorists and philosophers should study them. Indeed, many have done so. In this essay, however, I argue that scholars interested in the political and/or moral dimensions of large-scale emergencies should shift their focus from emergencies to emergency claims. Building on Michael Saward’s model of a “representative claim,” I develop an account of an emergency claim as a claim that a particular (kind of) situation is an emergency, made by particular actors against particular background conditions to particular audiences, which in turn accept, ignore, or reject that claim. Emergency politics, in turn, consists of many different actors making and not making, accepting, and rejecting, a wide range of overlapping and competing emergency claims. I argue that scholars should shift their focus to emergency claims because doing so helps us see the fraught implications of emergency politics for marginalized groups. I examine three such implications: emergency claims are often “Janus-faced,” meaning that they function simultaneously as “weapons of the weak” and weapons of the strong; they are often regressive, including by discriminating against victims of chronic bad situations, and they often perpetuate and exacerbate existing social hierarchies. Noticing these troubling features of emergency politics raises a question that I do not address here: What might plausible alternatives to emergency politics look like?

scholarly journals Theorizing Feminism

2020 ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Éléonore Lépinard
Keyword(s):  
Feminist Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Sentiments ◽  
Intersectionality Theory ◽  
Moral Dimensions ◽  
Political Project ◽  
Feminist Movements ◽  
Race And Religion

This chapter develops the implications of considering feminism as a moral and political project and articulates this conception with intersectionality. It argues that to capture both the political and moral dimensions of feminism we must explore feminists’ political subjectivations. Such an approach places at the center of its inquiry the moral dispositions that feminists cultivate toward other feminists, taking into account the power inequalities—particularly, but not only, along axes of race and religion—that shape these relations between feminists. This perspective is indebted to specific genealogies of intersectional feminist theory that have insisted on how social locations and hierarchies of power shape feminist subjectivities through emotions and moral sentiments. Theorizing feminism in this way also offers important insights on intersectionality theory when it comes to analyzing feminist movements and how they address power hierarchies of race and religion.

The Social Origins and Provenance of the English Bishops during the Reign of Edward II

1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Social Background ◽  
Early Career ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
The Social ◽  
Complete Study ◽  
History Of

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document