scholarly journals Competitive Elections, Status Anxieties, and the Relative Strength of Ethnic versus National Identification in Africa

Author(s):  
Elena Gadjanova

AbstractResearch shows that ethnic identification increases on the eve of competitive elections in Africa, but does it do so at the expense of national solidarities? Do competitive elections exacerbate the negative expressions of strong ethnic attachments-coethnic favoritism, relative status concerns, and social distance to other groups? These questions are important because the latter attitudes and perceptions are linked to a host of ills in democracies. In this paper, I examine how the proximity and competitiveness of national elections influence ingroup favoritism, ethnic groups’ status anxieties, perceived discrimination, and trust in Sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on six rounds of survey data for seventeen countries over 14 years, I find that national identities diminish in salience relative to ethnic ones as political competition increases, and that this is accompanied by heightened perceptions of ethnically-motivated discrimination, increased status anxieties, and lower levels of both inter-ethnic and generalized trust closer to nationally-competitive elections. Therefore, the electoral cycle strongly influences group anxieties in plural societies where political competition is high, and should be taken into account when designing measures to mitigate ethnic polarization in multi-ethnic states.

2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 228-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Cassani

Besides the introduction of multi-party elections, the sub-Saharan wave of democratic reforms of the 1990s encompassed the introduction of limits to the number of terms that a chief executive can serve. Executive term limits (ETLs) are key for democracy to advance in a continent with a legacy of personal rule. However, the manipulation of ETLs has become a recurring mode of autocratisation, through which African aspiring over-stayers weaken executive constraints, taint political competition, and limit citizens’ possibility to choose who governs. This article presents a three-phase model of autocratisation by ETL manipulation and, using new data, offers one of the first regional comparative studies of ETL manipulation in sub-Saharan Africa that rests on econometric modelling. The analysis leads to revisiting some previous findings on the drivers of ETL manipulation and highlights the relevance of other previously underestimated factors that may either discourage a leader from challenging ETLs or prevent their successful manipulation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sándor Szabó ◽  
Irene Pinedo Pascua ◽  
Daniel Puig ◽  
Magda Moner-Girona ◽  
Mario Negre ◽  
...  

AbstractLack of access to modern forms of energy hampers efforts to reduce poverty. The provision of electricity to off-grid communities is therefore a long-standing developmental goal. Yet, many off-grid electrification projects neglect mid- and long-term operation and maintenance costs. When this is the case, electricity services are unlikely to be affordable to the communities that are the project’s primary target. Here we show that, compared with diesel-powered electricity generation systems, solar photovoltaic systems are more affordable to no less than 36% of the unelectrified populations in East Asia, South Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa. We do so by developing geo-referenced estimates of affordability at a high level of resolution (1 km2). The analysis illustrates the differences in affordability that may be found at the subnational level, which underscores that electrification investments should be informed by subnational data.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-84
Author(s):  
Lamia Jamel ◽  
◽  
Abdelkader Derbali ◽  
Ali Lamouchi ◽  
Ahmed Elnagar ◽  
...  

The aim of this study is to highlight the key competitiveness elements that promote trade flows between the BRICS countries of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa and those in Sub-Saharan Africa. To do so, we employ the econometrics of panel data during the period of study from 1995 to 2018. We apply the Blundell and Bond GMM estimator [1998] and we utilize Sargan’s [1958] over-identification test to confirm the validity of delayed variables in level and difference as instruments used in our estimations. The empirical findings of our study show that trade policy actions, high natural resource allocation and the evolution of gross domestic product (GDP) per capita of the participating countries promote this trade openness between BRICS and Sub-Saharan Africa economies. Additionally, African countries need to develop their industrial sector to export more high-value manufactured products.


2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Goran Hyden

Abstract:Compared to political developments in Eastern Europe and Latin America, democratization in sub-Saharan Africa has been more problematic and uneven. Looking at the performance in four subregions—central Africa, East Africa, southern Africa, and West Africa—yields no convincing evidence of a “wave” of democratization; countries next to each other differ considerably with regard to their Freedom House scores. This does not mean that democratization has necessarily stalled, but it does demonstrate that the prevailing vertical cleavages along ethnic, racial, or religious lines can make such a transition volatile, as suggested by the cases of Burundi, Mali, and even Kenya. While political competition in mature democracies, typically divided along horizontal group or class lines, tends to generate positive-sum outcomes, such competition in Africa easily turns into “prisoner’s dilemma” games. The uncertainty about the value of cooperation in such situations usually produces political “truces” that are easily abandoned if the costs of adherence exceed the benefits. Against the background of this prevailing political logic, this article calls for a new approach to conceptualizing notions of “institution” and “power” in the analysis of politics in the region.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernadine N. Ekpenyong ◽  
Uchechukwu L. Osuagwu ◽  
Chundung Asabe Miner ◽  
Godwin O. Ovenseri-Ogbomo ◽  
Emmanuel Kwasi Abu ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Douglas A. Yates

The end of colonial rule in Africa brought into existence new independent states that lacked both effective government institutions and modern national identities. Postcolonial African leaders therefore immediately faced the dual challenges of state-building and nation-building. Most started out by adopting democratic constitutions copied from their European colonizers, but then quickly descended into various forms of authoritarianism. Many reasons account for this, including the legacy of authoritarianism inherent to colonial rule, the ideological battles of the Cold War, the organizational advantages of the military, ethno-political competition, and even traditional patterns of political culture. Authoritarian rule thus became the central tendency of African politics during the Cold War, until the “Third Wave of Democratization” in the 1990s ushered in a new age of constitutionalism, rule of law, multiparty elections, and alternance of power. Today the norm is democracy, albeit flawed, with most African governments coming to power through competitive elections, and most rulers following civilian rather than military careers. But the struggle for democracy has not been entirely successful, with major reversals appearing frequently in every region. First, certain rulers have successfully established family dynasties, or ethnic clan-based systems of neo-patrimonial rule. Next, new military rulers have come to power through coups d’état, or as warlords in failed or collapsed states. Finally, parties and presidents have learned how to survive the advent of multiparty elections. Denying basic freedoms of association, speech, and the press are instruments of such “illiberal” democracies. Others are manipulating registration lists, denying voters’ rights, and engaging in fraudulent counts. Political scientists working on the continent today recognize that many authoritarian rulers have simply learned how to master and manipulate the new environment of democracy. Articles, conference papers, and books about the growing phenomenon of post-election violence, both as an outcome of discontent and as a campaign technique, are becoming something of a new sub-literature bridging the disciplines of conflict resolution and electoral studies, joining other more positive new thinking about democracy that has focused attention on the development of “civil society,” and in its more radical variant, “social movements,” in democracy building. The critique that Western democracy may not be suitable for Africa, as well as responsive scholarship on alternative forms of government based on indigenous cultural experience, raises the possibility that elections may not be the only democratic game in town. Looking at recent elections, more countries in Africa are experiencing democratic decline than democratic gains: part of a current global trend. Yet many of the most important states in Africa are consolidating their democracies, demonstrating that democratic suitability to African conditions depends on the quality of leaders, political institutions, and continued external support.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 13-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustapha Hashim Kurfi

In the past, sacred Islamic calligraphies were used strictly in sacred places, whereas profane calligraphies were used in secular spheres. However, the trend now among some Hausa artists is to extend the sacred Islamic calligraphic tradition to the social domain. Some Hausa calligraphers do so by “desacralizing” their Islamic-inspired calligraphies. This article deals with the extension of Islamic decorations to secular social domains in Kano, Northern Nigeria. Such works are produced by calligraphers like Sharu Mustapha Gabari. I show how Hausa calligraphers like Mustapha Gabari creatively extend their arts, talents, and skills to other social domains. These domains include the human body, clothing, houses, and other objects. This article describes the ways in which the sacred and the secular realms overlap, and illustrates some key processes of enrichment the Islamic arts have undergone in sub-Saharan Africa. These processes exemplify the ʿAjamization of Islamic arts in Africa, especially how sub-Saharan African Muslims continue to creatively appropriate and enrich the Islamic calligraphic and decorative traditions to fit their local realities and address their preoccupations.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Rouncivell ◽  
Simbarashe Takuva ◽  
Neo Ledibane ◽  
Alfred Musekiwa ◽  
Trudy D Leong

ABSTRACTObjectiveTo assess the knowledge, attitudes, and perceptions (KAP) of long-acting reversible contraceptive (LARC) methods among healthcare workers (HCW’s) in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).MethodsA systematic review and meta-analysis were conducted following the PRISMA methodology. Two authors independently searched three electronic databases for studies published between 2000 and January 2020 reporting on the KAP of LARC methods among HCW’s in SSA. Titles and abstracts were screened against eligibility criteria, data were extracted and the included studies were assessed for risk of bias. A meta-analysis of proportions for 11 pre-determined questions relating to LARC KAP was performed. Heterogeneity was explored using the I2-statistic and publication bias investigated using funnel plots and Egger’s tests.ResultsTwenty-two studies comprising of 11 272 HCW’s from 11 SSA countries were included. Forty-one percent (95% CI: 20%, 61%) of HCW’s had received intrauterine contraceptive device (IUCD) insertion training while 63% (95% CI: 44%, 81%) expressed a desire for training. Only 27% (95% CI: 18%, 36%) deemed IUCD appropriate for HIV-infected women. Restrictions for IUCD and injectables based on a minimum age were imposed by 56% (95% CI: 33%, 78%) and 60% (95% CI: 36%, 84%), respectively. Minimum parity restrictions were observed among 29% (95% CI: 9%, 50%) of HCW’s for IUCDs and 36% (95% CI: 16%, 56%) for injectable contraceptives. Heterogeneity was high and publication bias was present in two of the 11 questions.ConclusionThe systematic review and meta-analysis indicate that unnecessary provider-imposed restrictions may hinder the uptake of LARC methods by women in SSA.


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