scholarly journals Food Insecurity Measurement: Stakeholder Comparisons of the EU-SILC and HFSSM Indicators and Considerations Towards the Usefulness of a Headline Indicator

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Beacom ◽  
Sinéad Furey ◽  
Lynsey Hollywood ◽  
Paul Humphreys
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Food Insecurity ◽  
Food Deprivation ◽  
Household Food Security ◽  
Measurement Instruments ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Household Food ◽  
The Uk ◽  
High Degree ◽  
The Eu

AbstractPrior to the February 2019 announcement that the Household Food Security Survey Module (HFSSM) will be used to estimate household food insecurity, there has not been a standardised measurement approach used in the United Kingdom (UK). Measurement has instead been somewhat inconsistent, and various indicators have been included in national and regional surveys. There remains a gap relating to the comparative usefulness of current and past food insecurity measures used in Northern Ireland (NI) (HFSSM; European Union-Survey of Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) food deprivation questions), and the potential usefulness of a headline indicator similar to that used to measure fuel poverty. This study presents findings from Northern Ireland (NI) stakeholder interviews (n = 19), which examined their perspectives on food insecurity measures which have previously been or are currently, or could potentially, be used in the UK/NI (HFSSM; EU-SILC food deprivation questions; headline indicator). Interview transcripts were coded using QSR NVivo (v.12) and inductively analysed to identify relevant themes. Stakeholders preferred the HFSSM to the EU-SILC, reasoning that it is more relevant to the food insecurity experience. A headline indicator for food insecurity was considered useful by some; however, there was consensus that it would not fully encapsulate the food insecurity experience, particularly the social exclusion element, and that it would be a complex measure to construct, with a high degree of error. This research endorses the use of the HFSSM to measure food insecurity in the UK, and provides recommendations for consideration of any future modification of the HFSSM or EU-SILC measurement instruments.

scholarly journals Potencjalny wpływ brexitu na ustrój terytorialny i integralność Zjednoczonego Królestwa Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej

2020 ◽  
Vol 6(161) ◽  
pp. 117-143
Author(s):  
Viktoria Serzhanova ◽  
Adrianna Kimla
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
New Order ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Whole Process ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union is undoubtedly an unprecedented event in the history of the EU. This process encounters many difficulties and reveals an increasing number of problems that contemporary Europe is facing and affects European integration. Even more complications in this area arise as a result of the deadlock in the internal dimension, and in the UK’s relations with the EU. It goes without saying, that this process will result in the need to create a completely new order in the UK’s relations with the EU and will have a huge impact on the global order. The whole process is multidimensional, hence the consequences of leaving the EU by the United Kingdom may have many effects for the UK not only in political and economic sense, but also in the field of its constitutional law and political system, including the area of the state’s territorial arrangement. The purpose of this study is to provide a legal analysis of Brexit’s potential consequences for the territorial system and threats to the territorial integrity of the United Kingdom itself, in particular for the status of its constituent parts and further relations between England and Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Ireland. The risk of the split and disintegration of the United Kingdom as a result of Brexit cannot be overlooked.

scholarly journals AFTERMATH OF BREXIT FOR WALES

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 104-111
Author(s):  
Oleg Okhoshin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Regional Policy ◽  
Local Authority ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Structural Funds ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Systemic Crisis ◽  
Eu Structural Funds ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

After withdrawal of the UK from the EU its Celtic regions (Scotland, Northern Ireland, Wales) faced a deterioration in the conditions for their socio-economic development and began to demand from B. Johnson to revise the principles of interaction between central government and local authorities in favor of expanding devolution. In Wales, separatist tendencies have not reached the same magnitude as in Scotland and Northern Ireland. Nevertheless, an acute confrontation arose at the intergovernmental level – the M. Drakeford’s Labour government protests against B. Johnson’s regional policy. The most acute contradictions arose against the background of the application of the UK Internal Market Act 2020 and the inability of the British government to compensate the region for the loss of subsidies from the EU structural funds after Brexit. To put pressure on the central government, Labour Party in Wales organized a special commission in October 2021 to consider separating the region from the United Kingdom and transferring additional powers to the local authority. This fact indicates the growth of a deep systemic crisis in the country, which makes the regions doubt the ability of the central government to effectively use its instruments to cope with the consequences of Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic.

The Future of the United Kingdom after Brexit

2020 ◽  
pp. 235-253
Author(s):  
Sionaidh Douglas-Scott
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Key Points ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

This chapter evaluates how Brexit and the withdrawal negotiations impacted the UK system of devolved governance. The focus is on devolution because the voices of the three devolved nations — Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland — have been too much ignored in Brexit manoeuvres, especially given Scotland and Northern Ireland voted in the Referendum to remain in the EU. The chapter then details the key points of the EU Withdrawal Act 2018 (EUWA) and EU Withdrawal Agreement Act 2020 (WAA), and looks at how Brexit will impact devolution. It also discusses the status of the UK’s existing territorial constitution. Finally, the chapter describes a possible federal future for the UK, and considers scenarios of regional independence.

14. Federalism

2019 ◽  
pp. 391-420
Author(s):  
John McEldowney
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Unitary State ◽  
Uk Supreme Court ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

Federalism, to date, has proved unattractive to the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom is commonly described as a unitary state, whereby governmental power is primarily exercised through a sovereign Parliament at Westminster. The UK may be distinguished from Federal countries, notably the United States or Germany. In federal systems, sovereign power is shared between the federal government and the states. However, the description of the United Kingdom as a unitary state is an oversimplification as there are many instances of devolved, shared and autonomous powers that do not easily fit under a centralized view of the state. These ‘quasi-federal’ elements of the constitution arise through the UK Parliament delegating to regional and local communities a variety of powers and responsibilities through elected local and municipal authorities as well as devolved ‘deals’. Since 1989, powers have been distributed to the four nations of the United Kingdom: England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland through extensive, and increasing, devolved powers (devolution) including a variety of tax-raising powers. There is also a London Assembly with devolved powers. The future of the UK after Brexit is uncertain and there are deep divisions of opinion. England and Wales voted for Brexit while London, Northern Ireland and Scotland voted to remain within the EU. Different constitutional configurations were suggested for the four nations, during the nineteenth century, including federalism, Irish home rule and independence as well as strengthening local government. No exact definition of federalism emerged from the different variations supported at one time or another during this period. Consequently supporters of federalism have struggled to have a single configuration to make their case. Overall federalism was rejected as inconsistent with the orthodoxy of a unitary state formed from an incorporating union centred around a sovereign Parliament. Has the extent of substantial devolved and delegated powers reached a tipping point that places a form of divisible federalism as a way of addressing current concerns and controversies including Brexit? Any formal adoption of federalism would alter the role of the UK Supreme Court as well as future relations with the EU after Brexit. Federalism might provide a mechanism for a changing unitary state to address 21st-century challenges amidst a perceptible shift to a ‘quasi-federal’ state with devolved governments and many shared or delegated powers.

UK government is preparing for an early election

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
General Election ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

Significance Johnson's cabinet overhaul is the largest in decades, replacing 17 cabinet ministers from the previous government mostly with individuals who support Johnson’s hard-line stance on Brexit. Impacts Brussels could offer London a ‘Northern Ireland only’ backstop, but this will be rejected by the UK government. The government will likely pass legislation to protect EU citizens’ rights in the United Kingdom if there is a no-deal Brexit. The EU will only grant another extension if a deal is almost agreed, or if there is a UK general election or second Brexit referendum.

scholarly journals Rights and the post-Brexit agenda: rights protection and institutional inadequacy in the United Kingdom

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Solomon
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Institutional Arrangements ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Institutional Approach ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The issue of protection of rights in a post-Brexit UK has been largely absent from either the final rounds of EU/UK negotiations or the internal UK debate, other than in regard to Northern Ireland and citizen rights. The UK will leave the EU with little certainty as to how various rights, now ‘brought home’, will be protected and enforced. The protection of rights in the UK has been dependent on a multi-layered framework including EU institutions. The UK’s withdrawal from the EU will produce gaps in this overall institutional framework. Rights protection is likely to be further diluted through Brexit’s unsettling of the UK’s constitutional arrangements within its current rights-averse political environment. This article adopts an institutional approach to assess the implications of Brexit for the UK’s protection of rights. It argues that even with some regulatory alignment between the EU and the UK, inadequate institutional arrangements risk undermining current levels of protection.

Between Two Unions

2021 ◽  
pp. 86-106
Author(s):  
Michael Keating
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Market Integration ◽  
Internal Market ◽  
External Support ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The devolution settlement of 1999 was introduced during UK membership of the European Union. The EU provided an external support system for it. Ideas of shared and divided sovereignty, on which the EU is (for many) based, complement similar interpretations of the United Kingdom as a union rather than a nation state. Like the UK, the EU has no fixed demos, telos, ethos or agreed locus of sovereignty; these are, rather, contested. The EU also provided for market integration through the internal market, obviating the need for internal market provisions in the devolution settlement. EU membership for both the UK and Ireland meant that the physical border could be dismantled. UK withdrawal from the EU therefore destabilizes the settlement, especially given the Remain majorities in Scotland and Northern Ireland. This has revived demands for Scottish independence and Irish reunification. There is a protocol allowing Northern Ireland to remain within the regulatory ambit of both the UK and the EU. A demand for similar provisions for Scotland was refused.

Hunger and charitable emergency food provision in the UK and beyond

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Lambie-Mumford
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Food Insecurity ◽  
Current Knowledge ◽  
Household Food Insecurity ◽  
Policy Context ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Household Food ◽  
Food Provision ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Food Charity

Chapter 2 discusses in more detail the rise of food charity in the United Kingdom. It provides international, historical and policy context to this rise as well as an exploration of current knowledge relating to household food insecurity in the UK.

EU-UK relations enter a decisive period

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
European Court Of Justice ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
European Court ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Competitive Regions ◽  
The Eu

Significance The proposals are ambitious and bring both sides closer on some important issues, such as agrifood trade and customs paperwork. However, the proposals ignore UK demands to remove European Court of Justice (ECJ) oversight in Northern Ireland. This issue threatens to thwart a compromise. Impacts UK triggering of Article 16 would put pressure on Dublin to stop Irish businesses from buying goods from Northern Ireland. The UK government will seek to downplay tensions with the EU over the NIP until after the UN climate change conference in Glasgow. UK regulatory divergence will be a source of tension for EU-UK ties, as London will want Northern Ireland to follow the UK direction. If the NIP is fully implemented, Northern Ireland could become one of the most competitive regions in the United Kingdom.

scholarly journals Investigating the prevalence and predictors of food insecurity: a comparison of HFSSM and EU-SILC indicators

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Beacom ◽  
Christopher McLaughlin ◽  
Sinéad Furey ◽  
Lynsey Elizabeth Hollywood ◽  
Paul Humphreys
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
Food Insecurity ◽  
Food Deprivation ◽  
Population Sample ◽  
Household Food Security ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Policy Action ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Household Food ◽  
Food Security Status

PurposeData from the Northern Ireland (NI) Health Survey 2014/15 (n = 2,231) were statistically analysed to examine the prevalence of food insecurity according to both indicators. Pearson's X2 test for association and logistic regressions were used to examine associations between food security status and predictor variables.Design/methodology/approachHousehold food insecurity has been identified as a significant societal issue in both developed and developing nations, but there exists no universal indicator to approximate its prevalence. In NI, two indicators (United States Household Food Security Survey Module [HFSSM] and the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions [EU-SILC] food deprivation questions) have been used. This study examines how both indicators differ in their classification of food insecurity prevalence in a population sample and also examines the relationship between various demographic and household factors and food security status.FindingsAccording to the EU-SILC food deprivation questions, 8.3% (n = 185) were indicated to be food insecure, while according to the HFSSM, 6.5% (n = 146) were indicated to be food insecure. The HFSSM and EU-SILC regression models differed in the underlying variables they identified as significant predictors of food insecurity. Significant variables common to both modules were tenure, employment status, health status, anxiety/depression and receipt of benefits.Originality/valueFindings can inform policy action with regards to targeting the key contributors and can inform policy decisions in NI and elsewhere with regards to choosing the most appropriate food insecurity indicator.

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