scholarly journals AFTERMATH OF BREXIT FOR WALES

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 104-111
Author(s):  
Oleg Okhoshin ◽  

After withdrawal of the UK from the EU its Celtic regions (Scotland, Northern Ireland, Wales) faced a deterioration in the conditions for their socio-economic development and began to demand from B. Johnson to revise the principles of interaction between central government and local authorities in favor of expanding devolution. In Wales, separatist tendencies have not reached the same magnitude as in Scotland and Northern Ireland. Nevertheless, an acute confrontation arose at the intergovernmental level – the M. Drakeford’s Labour government protests against B. Johnson’s regional policy. The most acute contradictions arose against the background of the application of the UK Internal Market Act 2020 and the inability of the British government to compensate the region for the loss of subsidies from the EU structural funds after Brexit. To put pressure on the central government, Labour Party in Wales organized a special commission in October 2021 to consider separating the region from the United Kingdom and transferring additional powers to the local authority. This fact indicates the growth of a deep systemic crisis in the country, which makes the regions doubt the ability of the central government to effectively use its instruments to cope with the consequences of Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic.

2021 ◽  
pp. 095042222110344
Author(s):  
Oswald Jones

Academic engagement with small business and entrepreneurship was facilitated by the availability of European Union (EU) funding, which also stimulated the emergence of a small business and entrepreneurship (SBE) ‘community of practice’. Gradually, the SBE community developed into a ‘landscape of practice’ as small business research moved towards maturity. Furthermore, the SBE landscape of practice has coalesced around three core concepts: entrepreneurial learning, social networks and social capital. EU funding was the catalyst for many SBE academics in the UK to engage with practitioners involved with starting and managing their own businesses. The UK’s exit from the EU will inevitably mean that universities will no longer have access to EU Structural Funds. This has major implications for the UK SBE community’s engagement with practice as well as for entrepreneurs and business owners who have benefitted from a range of programmes designed to improve the performance of smaller firms.


Author(s):  
Kirill Petrov

The article describes the political process in the UK after the referendum on leaving the EU. Unsuccessful at least until February 2019 negotiations between the Conservative government and the EU are at the center of the process. Considerable attention is paid to the results of the general parliamentary elections of 2017, which brought the decline of multi-party politics. The article points to Brexit’s obvious connection with disruptions in the process of devolution and the emergence of new problems in the central government relations with the regions: Scotland and Northern Ireland.


2021 ◽  
pp. 129-144
Author(s):  
Tomasz Mering

The article presents the origins and evolution of social policy programmes in Scotland since the referendum in 1997. Regional authorities in Scotland obtained significant prerogatives in payment of social benefits. They actively exercised the rights granted by the UK legislation, resulting in the partial decentralisation of the social security system in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland has become a fact. This decentralisation is not complete, because the administration of pensions, and unemployment benefits remains the sole responsibility of London’s central government. One of the features of British social policy has become territorial asymmetry, consisting of partially different programs and social policy institutions in other parts of the UK. The most important effect of the reforms is the creation of institutions and draft social policy programs that can be put into effect, when the process of political emancipation in Scotland will lead to a new regional referendum.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6(161) ◽  
pp. 117-143
Author(s):  
Viktoria Serzhanova ◽  
Adrianna Kimla

Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union is undoubtedly an unprecedented event in the history of the EU. This process encounters many difficulties and reveals an increasing number of problems that contemporary Europe is facing and affects European integration. Even more complications in this area arise as a result of the deadlock in the internal dimension, and in the UK’s relations with the EU. It goes without saying, that this process will result in the need to create a completely new order in the UK’s relations with the EU and will have a huge impact on the global order. The whole process is multidimensional, hence the consequences of leaving the EU by the United Kingdom may have many effects for the UK not only in political and economic sense, but also in the field of its constitutional law and political system, including the area of the state’s territorial arrangement. The purpose of this study is to provide a legal analysis of Brexit’s potential consequences for the territorial system and threats to the territorial integrity of the United Kingdom itself, in particular for the status of its constituent parts and further relations between England and Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Ireland. The risk of the split and disintegration of the United Kingdom as a result of Brexit cannot be overlooked.


Author(s):  
Emma Beacom ◽  
Sinéad Furey ◽  
Lynsey Hollywood ◽  
Paul Humphreys

AbstractPrior to the February 2019 announcement that the Household Food Security Survey Module (HFSSM) will be used to estimate household food insecurity, there has not been a standardised measurement approach used in the United Kingdom (UK). Measurement has instead been somewhat inconsistent, and various indicators have been included in national and regional surveys. There remains a gap relating to the comparative usefulness of current and past food insecurity measures used in Northern Ireland (NI) (HFSSM; European Union-Survey of Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) food deprivation questions), and the potential usefulness of a headline indicator similar to that used to measure fuel poverty. This study presents findings from Northern Ireland (NI) stakeholder interviews (n = 19), which examined their perspectives on food insecurity measures which have previously been or are currently, or could potentially, be used in the UK/NI (HFSSM; EU-SILC food deprivation questions; headline indicator). Interview transcripts were coded using QSR NVivo (v.12) and inductively analysed to identify relevant themes. Stakeholders preferred the HFSSM to the EU-SILC, reasoning that it is more relevant to the food insecurity experience. A headline indicator for food insecurity was considered useful by some; however, there was consensus that it would not fully encapsulate the food insecurity experience, particularly the social exclusion element, and that it would be a complex measure to construct, with a high degree of error. This research endorses the use of the HFSSM to measure food insecurity in the UK, and provides recommendations for consideration of any future modification of the HFSSM or EU-SILC measurement instruments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-143
Author(s):  
Sonja Živojinović

Regional policy is the EU's main instrument for investing in sustainable and inclusive economic growth. Member States are responsible for its implementation, which requires adequate administrative capacity and sound financial management. When Serbia becomes a member of the EU, it will have at its disposal many times more funds from the EU structural funds than the ones it currently receives, and for the use of which it must prepare before joining the Union. Member States must respect EU law when selecting and implementing projects, in areas related to regional policy and Structural Instruments. Member States must also establish the institutional framework, organizational arrangements and necessary organizational arrangements to prepare supporting documents. This implies the establishment of all structures at the national and regional level required by EU regulations and standards. This Chapter 22 has a double meaning: it is important in itself, because through the negotiations on this Chapter it must be proven that we are in the mood to establish good and sufficient capacities for the use of EU Cohesion Policy. At the same time, Serbia is thus preparing to be an equal participant in the Union's Cohesion Policy, as well as all other member states.


Author(s):  
Sionaidh Douglas-Scott

This chapter evaluates how Brexit and the withdrawal negotiations impacted the UK system of devolved governance. The focus is on devolution because the voices of the three devolved nations — Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland — have been too much ignored in Brexit manoeuvres, especially given Scotland and Northern Ireland voted in the Referendum to remain in the EU. The chapter then details the key points of the EU Withdrawal Act 2018 (EUWA) and EU Withdrawal Agreement Act 2020 (WAA), and looks at how Brexit will impact devolution. It also discusses the status of the UK’s existing territorial constitution. Finally, the chapter describes a possible federal future for the UK, and considers scenarios of regional independence.


2019 ◽  
pp. 391-420
Author(s):  
John McEldowney

Federalism, to date, has proved unattractive to the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom is commonly described as a unitary state, whereby governmental power is primarily exercised through a sovereign Parliament at Westminster. The UK may be distinguished from Federal countries, notably the United States or Germany. In federal systems, sovereign power is shared between the federal government and the states. However, the description of the United Kingdom as a unitary state is an oversimplification as there are many instances of devolved, shared and autonomous powers that do not easily fit under a centralized view of the state. These ‘quasi-federal’ elements of the constitution arise through the UK Parliament delegating to regional and local communities a variety of powers and responsibilities through elected local and municipal authorities as well as devolved ‘deals’. Since 1989, powers have been distributed to the four nations of the United Kingdom: England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland through extensive, and increasing, devolved powers (devolution) including a variety of tax-raising powers. There is also a London Assembly with devolved powers. The future of the UK after Brexit is uncertain and there are deep divisions of opinion. England and Wales voted for Brexit while London, Northern Ireland and Scotland voted to remain within the EU. Different constitutional configurations were suggested for the four nations, during the nineteenth century, including federalism, Irish home rule and independence as well as strengthening local government. No exact definition of federalism emerged from the different variations supported at one time or another during this period. Consequently supporters of federalism have struggled to have a single configuration to make their case. Overall federalism was rejected as inconsistent with the orthodoxy of a unitary state formed from an incorporating union centred around a sovereign Parliament. Has the extent of substantial devolved and delegated powers reached a tipping point that places a form of divisible federalism as a way of addressing current concerns and controversies including Brexit? Any formal adoption of federalism would alter the role of the UK Supreme Court as well as future relations with the EU after Brexit. Federalism might provide a mechanism for a changing unitary state to address 21st-century challenges amidst a perceptible shift to a ‘quasi-federal’ state with devolved governments and many shared or delegated powers.


2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 418-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Romualdas Ginevičius ◽  
Valentinas Podvezko

Under the conditions of the country's economy restructurization, the differences between economic and social development of various regions are becoming more prominent. To smooth these differences, a number of scientific and practical problems associated with the concepts of a region, regional policy and its aims, determination of the boundaries of a region and evaluation of its development, etc., should be thoroughly investigated. To solve such complicated problems, multicriteria evaluation methods have been recently used, which could take into consideration the major aspects of economic and social development of the regions, including the environmental problems, as well as multidimensional character of the criteria, different directions of their changing and significances. Quantitative evaluation of social and economic region's development allows us to determine the changes, taking place in this development. This, in turn, shows the effectiveness of the EU structural funds, national programmes and other facilities used in conducting the regional policy. Santrauka Šalies ūkiui iš esmės restruktūrizuojantis ir persitvarkant padidėja ekonominės ir socialinės plėtros skirtumai tarp regionų (apskričių). Juos mažinant susiduriama su daugeliu mokslui ir praktikai aktualių, spręstinų klausimų, tokių kaip regiono, regioninės politikos samprata ir tikslai, jų ribų nustatymas, plėtros supratimas, įvertinimas ir t. t. Tokiems uždaviniams spręsti pastaraisiais metais sėkmingai taikomi daugiakriterinio vertinimo būdai. Jie leidžia įvertinti visus svarbiausius regionų ekonominės ir socialinės plėtros (RESP) aspektus, taip pat ir aplinkosauginius, įvertinti rodiklių daugiadimensiškumą, nevienodą kitimo kryptį bei reikšmingumą. Galimybė kiekybiškai įvertinti RESP leidžia nustatyti šios plėtros kaitą. Būtent ji parodo, koks yra Europos struktūrinių fondų, nacionalinių programų, kitų priemonių, skirtų regioninei politikai įgyvendinti, efektyvumas.


Significance Johnson's cabinet overhaul is the largest in decades, replacing 17 cabinet ministers from the previous government mostly with individuals who support Johnson’s hard-line stance on Brexit. Impacts Brussels could offer London a ‘Northern Ireland only’ backstop, but this will be rejected by the UK government. The government will likely pass legislation to protect EU citizens’ rights in the United Kingdom if there is a no-deal Brexit. The EU will only grant another extension if a deal is almost agreed, or if there is a UK general election or second Brexit referendum.


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