Naval power, the law of the sea, and the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace

Marine Policy ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 194-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Buzan
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-69
Author(s):  
Thomas Burri ◽  
Jamie Trinidad

On January 28, 2021, a Special Chamber of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) delivered a judgment in which it rejected preliminary objections raised by the Maldives in arbitral proceedings instituted by Mauritius, concerning the delimitation of the maritime boundary north of the Chagos Archipelago in the Indian Ocean.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 117-131
Author(s):  
Kumari Issur

In the wake of what has been termed “the scramble for the oceans,” the Republic of Mauritius lodged an application in 2012 with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) to recognize its rights to an Exclusive Economic Zone that comprises a large expanse of the Indian Ocean, and subsequently redefined itself as an ocean-state. This new configuration raises as many issues as it answers. The Indian Ocean remains firmly central both to Mauritian history and to its imaginary. All at once, the endless fluidity of the ocean renders material traces and academic archeology harder, yet somehow it traps and sediments memory and meaning in some ways more profoundly than land. This article bores and drills into the historical, geopolitical, and ontological depths of ocean-state Mauritius with the figure of the ghost as motif, metaphor, and witness.


Author(s):  
Elferink Alex G Oude

This chapter assesses the implementation of the law of the sea in the Indian Ocean. It begins by providing a definition and general description of the Indian Ocean. It then discusses maritime zones and boundaries and regional and subregional cooperation. The practice of Indian Ocean coastal States generally shows a large measure of consistency with the UN Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (LOSC) as regards the extent of maritime zones. A considerable divergence from the LOSC exists in the case of straight baselines, whereas in the case of archipelagic baselines there is conformity to the Convention, suggesting that the numerical controls contained in Article 47 have been more effective.


Author(s):  
C. H. Alexandrowicz

This chapter challenges the projection of nineteenth-century assumptions onto the historical reality of the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries by arguing that the earlier transactions between European and Asian powers took place under the rubric of the law of nations. The classical European authors founded their theories on natural law and considered the family of nations universal, and Europeans acquired territorial rights in Asia in accord with principles of European law, through conquest or treaties of cession. The law of nations in Europe at this time was still in formation, and juridical developments were affected by the practice of states in the Indian Ocean. The chapter considers uncertainties and debates around sovereignty (vassals, suzerains, trading companies), territorial title, and maritime law, particularly in the controversy between Grotius and Freitas, and the rise of discriminatory monopolistic treaties that restricted Asian sovereigns’ ability to deal with more than one European power.


1964 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Willetts

In 1368 a native Chinese dynasty, the Ming, received the Mandate of Heaven, and after a century and a half of alien rule a true son of Han ascended the Dragon Throne. A burst of diplomatic activity followed. It took the form of a grandiose series of naval expeditions designed to announce to the more-or-less petty rulers of South Asia the advent of a new native house, and to receive their tribute. Over the next hundred years the Chinese established themselves as the dominant naval power in the Indian Ocean.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anju Lis Kurian ◽  
◽  
C. Vinodan ◽  

In Asian and global power politics a maritime strategic angle concentrates on the value of fortifying and controlling sea lines of communications (SLOCs) for stability, economic growth, and development of nations. Consequently, both India and China are snooping to control SLOCs and safeguard their emergent and escalating worldwide interests. The advancement in and expansion of naval power satisfies the corresponding nationalist aspirations of Beijing and New Delhi. As a result, the development of their maritime capabilities would have a greater impact on the naval security architecture in the Indian Ocean. The hike in Chinese engagements across the Indian Ocean widely known as the String of Pearl’s stratagem is principally stimulated by a policy of maritime encirclement of India. Struggle to secure tactical energy resources which are quickly revolutionizing their navies could induce clashes and have major repercussions for global security affairs. Harmonious handling of both China’s and India’s cooperation will be crucial for regional as well as international peace and opulence shortly and everyone looks upon a fabulous Asia reflected in the world. Thus, this paper analyses the underlying factors that motivate both countries to have ambitious objectives in the Indian Ocean and could find out that securing energy is one of the driving forces in securing maritime dominance across the Indian Ocean.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (03) ◽  
pp. 1940005
Author(s):  
GHULAM ALI

This paper argues that during the last two decades, China and Pakistan have strengthened their maritime cooperation in the Indian Ocean to their mutual benefit. Based upon its geostrategic location and vast maritime experience, Pakistan has promoted China’s growing interests in the Indian Ocean and received China’s economic, technological and military assistance in return. India has responded to these developments by expanding its naval power, adding a nuclear component and aligning with like-minded states. The paper concludes that a lack of institutional mechanisms, coordination and trust among the three can potentially expand their rivalry seawards, triggering a new naval arms race.


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