So thin it’s almost invisible: Populist attitudes and voting behavior in Brazil

The article examines trends in voting preferences and voting behavior of Turkish-origin German voters. Despite only representing a small percentage of the total German electorate, Turkish-origin voters are gaining an opportunity to shape the future political landscape. While the Social Democrats have benefited most directly from the minority constituency so far, this author suggests that the Green Party is poised to attract the younger, better educated, and German-born segment of the Turkish-origin voters. All other dominant national parties have ignored this emerging voting bloc, and missed opportunities to appeal to Turkish-origin voters by disregarding community-specific interests.

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Local Elections and the Politics of Small-Scale Democracy

10.23943/princeton/9780691143552.001.0001 ◽

2012 ◽

Cited By ~ 37

Author(s):

J. Eric Oliver ◽

Shang E. Ha ◽

Zachary Callen

Keyword(s):

Voter Turnout ◽

Local Governments ◽

Voting Behavior ◽

Local Governance ◽

Electoral Politics ◽

Small Scale ◽

Local Elections ◽

Daily Lives ◽

Personal Connections ◽

Community Ties

Local government is the hidden leviathan of American politics: it accounts for nearly a tenth of gross domestic product, it collects nearly as much in taxes as the federal government, and its decisions have an enormous impact on Americans' daily lives. Yet political scientists have few explanations for how people vote in local elections, particularly in the smaller cities, towns, and suburbs where most Americans live. Drawing on a wide variety of data sources and case studies, this book offers the first comprehensive analysis of electoral politics in America's municipalities. Arguing that current explanations of voting behavior are ill suited for most local contests, the book puts forward a new theory that highlights the crucial differences between local, state, and national democracies. Being small in size, limited in power, and largely unbiased in distributing their resources, local governments are “managerial democracies” with a distinct style of electoral politics. Instead of hinging on the partisanship, ideology, and group appeals that define national and state elections, local elections are based on the custodial performance of civic-oriented leaders and on their personal connections to voters with similarly deep community ties. Explaining not only the dynamics of local elections, Oliver's findings also upend many long-held assumptions about community power and local governance, including the importance of voter turnout and the possibilities for grassroots political change.

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The 19th Presidential Election and Voting Behavior by Generation: A Focus on Voters in Daegu and Gyeongbuk

Korean Journal of Public Administration ◽

10.24145/kjpa.55.3.2 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 55 (3) ◽

pp. 39-64

Author(s):

Keonsup Song ◽

Dongchun Park

Keyword(s):

Presidential Election ◽

Voting Behavior

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The Impacts of Religion and Ethnicity on Voting Behavior of Electorates in Nigeria Since 2011

International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications (IJSRP) ◽

10.29322/ijsrp.9.11.2019.p9594 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 9 (11) ◽

pp. p9594

Author(s):

Paul A. Onuh ◽

Chukwudi Aninweze ◽

Nnaemeka E. Otagburuagu

Keyword(s):

Voting Behavior ◽

Religion And Ethnicity

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Political bullshit receptivity and its correlates: a cross-cultural validation of the concept

10.31234/osf.io/u9pe3 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

Vukašin Gligorić ◽

Allard Feddes ◽

Bertjan Doosje

Keyword(s):

The Netherlands ◽

Political Ideology ◽

Voting Behavior ◽

Free Market ◽

Meta Analysis ◽

The United States ◽

Persuasive Communication ◽

Lower Probability ◽

Left Wing ◽

Total N

Frankfurt defined persuasive communication that has no regard for truth, knowledge, or evidence as bullshit. Although there has been a lot of psychological research on pseudo-profound bullshit, no study examined this type of communication in politics. In the present research, we operationalize political bullshit receptivity as endorsing vague political statements, slogans, and political bullshit programs. We investigated the relationship of these three measures with pseudo-profound bullshit, ideology (political ideology, support for neoliberalism), populism, and voting behavior. Three pre-registered studies in different cultural settings (the United States, Serbia, The Netherlands; total N = 534) yielded medium to high intercorrelations between political bullshit measures and pseudo-profound bullshit, and good construct validity (hypothesized one-factor solution). A Bayesian meta-analysis showed that all political bullshit measures positively correlated with support for the free market, while only some positively correlated with social (political statements and programs) and economic conservatism (programs), and populism (programs). In the U.S., higher receptivity to political bullshit was associated with a higher probability that one voted for Trump (vs Clinton) in the past and higher intentions to vote for Trump (vs Biden and Sanders). In the Netherlands, higher receptivity to political bullshit predicted the intention to vote for the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy. Exploratory analyses on merged datasets showed that higher receptivity to political bullshit was associated with a higher probability to vote for right-wing candidates/parties and lower probability for the left-wing ones. Overall, political bullshit endorsement showed good validity, opening avenues for research in political communication, especially when this communication is broad and meaningless.

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