scholarly journals Right-wing political orientation, national identification and the acceptance of immigrants and minorities

2022 ◽  
Vol 184 ◽  
pp. 111217
Author(s):  
Maykel Verkuyten ◽  
Rachel Kollar ◽  
Jessica Gale ◽  
Kumar Yogeeswaran
2020 ◽  
pp. 003329411989990
Author(s):  
Burcu Tekeş ◽  
E. Olcay Imamoğlu ◽  
Fatih Özdemir ◽  
Bengi Öner-Özkan

The aims of this study were to test: (a) the association of political orientations with morality orientations, specified by moral foundations theory, on a sample of young adults from Turkey, representing a collectivistic culture; and (b) the statistically mediating roles of needs for cognition and recognition in the links between political orientation and morality endorsements. According to the results (a) right-wing orientation and need for recognition were associated with all the three binding foundations (i.e., in-group/loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity); (b) right-wing orientation was associated with binding foundations also indirectly via the role of need for recognition; (c) regarding individualizing foundations, left-wing orientation and need for cognition were associated with fairness/reciprocity, whereas only gender was associated with harm/care; and (d) left-wing orientation was associated with fairness dimension also indirectly via the role of need for cognition. The cultural relevance of moral foundations theory as well as the roles of needs for cognition and recognition are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Régis Ebeling ◽  
Carlos Córdova Sáenz ◽  
Jeferson Campos Nobre ◽  
Karin Becker

The worldwide COVID-19 pandemic has struck people’s lives overnight. With an alarming contagious rate and no effective treatments or vaccines, it has evoked all sorts of reactions. In this paper, we propose a framework to analyze how political polarization affects groups’ behavior with opposed stances, using the Brazilian COVID polarized scenario as a case study. Two Twitter groups represent the pro/against social isolation stances referred to as Chloroquiners and Quarenteners. The framework encompasses: a) techniques to automatically infer from users political orientation, b) topic modeling to discover the homogeneity of concerns expressed by each group; c) network analysis and community detection to characterize their behavior as a social network group and d) analysis of linguistic characteristics to identify psychological aspects. Our main findings confirm that Cloroquiners are right-wing partisans, whereas Quarenteners are more related to the left-wing. The political polarization of Chloroquiners and Quarenteners influence the arguments of economy and life, and support/opposition to the president. As a group, the network of Chloroquiners is more closed and connected, and Quarenteners have a more diverse political engagement. In terms of psychological aspects, polarized groups come together on cognitive issues and negative emotions.


2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-91
Author(s):  
Elena Trifiletti ◽  
Rossella Falvo ◽  
Carla Dazzi ◽  
Dora Capozza

Image theory was used in this study to assess the images that Italian adults with different political ideologies have of the United States. In addition to the ally, barbarian, enemy, and imperialist images, a new image, that of the father, was introduced. It was found that right-wing respondents endorsed the father and ally images of Americans, while left-wing respondents perceived Americans as barbarians. The theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Cisłak ◽  
Marta Pyrczak ◽  
Artur Mikiewicz ◽  
Aleksandra Cichocka

In three studies we examine the link between types of national identity and support for leaving the European Union (EU). We found that national collective narcissism (but not national identification without the narcissistic component) was positively associated with a willingness to vote Leave, over and above the effect of political orientation. This pattern was observed in a representative Polish sample (Study 1, n = 635), as well as in samples of Polish youth (Study 2, n = 219), and both Polish (n = 73) and British (n = 60) professionals employed in the field of international relations (Study 3). In Studies 2 and 3 this effect was mediated by biased EU membership perceptions. The role of defensive versus secure forms of in-group identification in shaping support for EU membership is discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 310-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan F. Bassett ◽  
Amanda J. Cleveland

Two studies examined the ability of Identification with all Humanity to predict attitudes in the United States regarding support for refugees and tolerance for civilian casualties in the war on terrorism. We expected identification with humanity to predict more support for refugees and less tolerance of civilian casualties in the war on terrorism. Moreover, we expected these effects to hold even when taking into account more frequently studied predictors of intergroup attitudes. In Study 1, 202 people (143 women, Age M = 26.62) completed an online survey, assessing Identification with all Humanity, social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, political orientation, and religiosity. In Study 2, the same measures were administered in person to a sample of 126 university students (91 women, Age M = 18.92). Identification with all Humanity was associated with more support for refugees in both studies and less support for extreme counter-terrorism measures in Study 1, even when controlling for other variables.


Intersections ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-127
Author(s):  
Vera Messing ◽  
Bence Ságvári

In this paper we aim to discuss attitudes towards immigrants in a European context and analyse drivers of anti-immigrant attitudes such as the feeling of control, basic human values, political orientation and preferences related to right-wing populism. Based on data from the European Social Survey, we first describe how attitudes of people in Europe changed throughout a period of almost two decades (between 2002 and 2018). We will show that although attitudes are influenced by a number of demographic and subjective features of individuals, on the macro-level they seem to be surprisingly stable, yet hide significant cross-country differences. Then, we zoom in to the three most significant elements influencing attitudes towards immigrants: the feeling of control, basic human values, and political orientation. Applying a multi-level model we test the validity of three theories about factors informing attitudes towards immigrants—competition theory, locus of control, and the role of basic human values—and include time (pre- and post-2015 refugee-crisis periods) into the analysis. In the discussion we link ESS data to recent research on populism in Europe that categorizes populist parties across the continent, and establish that the degree to which anti-migrant feelings are linked to support for political populism varies significantly across European countries. We show that right-wing populist parties gather and feed that part of the population which is very negative towards migrants and migration in general, and this process is also driven by the significance awarded the value of security vis-à-vis humanitarianism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Cadeddu ◽  
S Daugbjerg ◽  
W Ricciardi ◽  
A Rosano

Abstract Background In 2017 the Italian government introduced compulsory vaccination for children aged 0-16 for ten diseases, in response to an alarmingly decrease in coverage and measles outbreak. A hot social debate arose in the wake of this law, questioning the trust both in the scientific community regarding vaccines and in the safety of vaccines. No Italian study has prior studied these topics combined. We therefore investigated the socio-cultural profile of Italians regarding beliefs towards vaccination and trust in the scientific community. Methods Data were extracted from the Italian section of the 2017 European Social Survey (ESS), conducted by the Italian National Institute for Public Policy Analysis. Main outcomes were the opinion about harmfulness of vaccines and the trust in the scientific community. A Principal Component Analysis (PCA) was performed to examine the socio-cultural profile of respondents on the topic. Results Among the 2,626 subjects interviewed, 19% believed that vaccines are harmful and 10% had no trust in the scientific community in regards to vaccines. Respondents who thought that vaccines are harmful, compared to respondents disagreeing, were characterized by less often having an education of 13 years or more (23% vs 29%), less often using a computer every day (44% vs 54%), less often participating in congresses (9% vs 17%), more often having a right wing political orientation (38% vs 26%). Out of the respondents who believed in the harmfulness of vaccines, 29% neither had trust in the scientific community. PCA suggested that this group (Anti-vax/science sceptic) was characterised by low participation in political and cultural life, being male, older of age and a right wing political orientation. Conclusions This study paints a picture of the opinions of Italians on vaccines. Respondents' profiles may be useful for policymakers to design targeted vaccination campaigns and to intervene more efficaciously in public debates. Key messages The share of Italian people who believe in harmfulness of vaccines is high, almost one in five. This is of great concern for the success of vaccination campaigns. Scientific community has a key role in the public debate on vaccines, considering the large consensus received on this issue.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 392-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi Ziv

Music is commonly used in political contexts, to strengthen attitudes and group cohesion. The reported research examined reactions to music representing national values or contesting them in individuals with different political orientations, on issues related to national pride, cohesion and free expression. In Study 1, 100 Israeli participants heard three “patriotic” or “protest” songs and rated their agreement with statements regarding them. Beyond a number of main effects of music and of political orientation, several interactions between these two variables were found. For right-wing participants, patriotic music increased pride whereas protest music increased shame and fear of social disintegration. For left-wing participants, protest music led to higher agreement with the right to free expression. Study 2 included 78 participants and repeated the procedure with parallel texts. Main effects of texts were found, but no main effects of political orientation or interactions were found. Results are discussed in terms of the role and impact of music in political settings.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-107
Author(s):  
Yphtach Lelkes ◽  
Ariel Malka ◽  
Penelope Sheets

AbstractIsrael is viewed unfavorably among wide segments of the public within several European democracies, despite being regarded itself as a Western democracy. Does drawing attention to Israel's democratic attributes improve views toward Israel? In two surveys with Dutch national samples, anti-Semitic affect, low anti-Arab/Muslim affect, and left-wing political orientation independently predicted anti-Israel sentiment. However, in experiments embedded within the surveys, making salient Israel's democratic attributes had opposite effects on Israel attitude across those on the right and the left – slightly decreasing anti-Israel sentiment among those with a right-wing orientation but slightly increasing anti-Israel sentiment among those with a left-wing orientation. We discuss potential explanations grounded in social psychological theory as well as implications for the strategic communication efforts of groups seeking to influence attitudes toward Israel.


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